NEW FETAL HEARTBEAT ABORTION LAWS
______ HON. SHEILA JACKSON LEE of texas in the house of representatives Tuesday, May 21, 2019 Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Speaker, I rise to express my strong opposition to the so-called ``fetal heartbeat'' laws recently enacted in Georgia, Alabama, Missouri, Texas, and other states. GEORGIA House Bill 481 outlaws abortion after six weeks of pregnancy, when a doctor can usually detect a fetus' heartbeat. Gov. Brian Kemp signed it into law May 7, and it is set to go into effect Jan. 1--unless it is blocked by the courts. MISSOURI The Missouri House passed H.B. 126 in a 110-to-44 vote after hours of heated debate, including impassioned speeches by both Democratic and Republican legislators and angry shouts of ``when you lie, people die'' from those who opposed the bill. Those protesters were eventually removed by the police. The measure, known as the Missouri Stands for the Unborn Act, now moves to the desk of Gov. Mike Parson, a Republican, who is expected to sign it. The bill, which bans abortions at around eight weeks of pregnancy, often before a woman even knows she is pregnant, included no exceptions for rape or incest. ALABAMA Gov. Kay Ivey of Alabama on Wednesday signed into law a bill banning almost all abortions in the state, with no exceptions for cases of rape or incest. Under the law, which is scheduled to take effect in six months, an abortion is only legal if the pregnant person's life is at risk. A doctor who performs an abortion for any other reason could face up to 99 years in prison. TEXAS The Texas Senate approved a bill Thursday that would impose criminal penalties on doctors who fail to treat babies born alive after failed abortion attempts--extremely rare cases--a month after the House approved the same measure. If the House concurs with the Senate's minor changes to House Bill 16, it will then head to the governor's desk. The Senate approved the bill in a 21-10 vote, with Democratic state senators Eddie Lucio of Brownsville and Judith Zaffirini of Laredo bucking their party to support the measure. The measure, authored by state Rep. Jeff Leach, R- Plano, gives teeth to existing federal and state laws that grant legal protections to children born after abortion attempts. Doctors who ``fail to provide the appropriate medical treatnent''--like immediately transferring the infant to a hospital--could be charged with a third-degree felony, and they would have to pay a fine of at least $100,000. MISSISSIPPI Republican Gov. Phil Bryant signed the bill into law in March which says physicians who perform abortions after a fetal heartbeat is found (typically at around 6 weeks) could have their medical licenses revoked. The state allows abortions after a fetal heartbeat is found if a pregnancy endangers a woman's life or one of her major bodily functions but does not have exceptions for cases of rape or incest. OHIO Gov. Mike DeWine signed one of the nation's most restrictive abortion bans into law Thursday afternoon and opponents have already pledged to take him to court. The American Civil Liberties Union of Ohio has already promised to sue over the legislation, which would ban abortions after a fetal heartbeat is detected and prosecute doctors who perform them anyway. A fetal heartbeat can be detected as early as six weeks into a woman's pregnancy, which can be before a woman finds out she's pregnant. The ``heartbeat bill'' passed the GOP-controlled Legislature on Wednesday amid protests from advocates of abortion access. DeWine signed the bill, making Ohio the sixth state to enact the ban. Under the bill, doctors would face a fifth-degree felony punishable by up to a year in prison for performing an abortion after detecting a heartbeat. The bill has an exception to save the life of the woman but no exception for rape or incest--in line with current state law. ____________________
tTHE TAPES REPRISED:
Excerpt from October 24, 1972 (mp3, 2:27, 2.3m)
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Amerikanischen ovalen Büro Sicherheit -
from NYTimes (mooched without permission)
A Kind of Holocaust Denial JAN. 30, 2017 :
To the Editor: Re “Reince Priebus Defends Holocaust Statement That Failed to Mention Jews” (nytimes.com, Jan. 30): Of all of President Trump’s actions during his first 10 days in office, among the most egregious was the deliberate omission of Jews from his statement for International Holocaust Remembrance Day. Taking away the intent of the Holocaust may not be the classic form of Holocaust denial, but it is a form of denial nonetheless. This decision is the clearest indication that no historical fact is too big for the Trump administration to try to erase from public consciousness. And most important, it shows that this administration is controlled by people who know truth from fiction, but not right from wrong. MITCHELL TURKER Portland, Ore.
_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Principal Findings: The 1969 National Violence Commission understood that pervasive and deep-rooted violence in a highly fragmented and unequal society cannot be reliably contained by criminal justice policies -- even extreme ones. The experience of the past 30 years has proven the Commission right, indeed more dramatically than anyone could then have expected.
The Commission has been proven correct in its vision of a "City of the Future" with rampant suburbanization as a response to central city decline. But it did not foresee how unsuccessful and self-defeating the strategy would turn out to be. Crime and violent acts in the suburbs, such as the Littleton massacre, and the deterioration of the older "inner-ring" suburbs show that, in the long run, one can't simply abandon the nation's social problems.
The Commission foresaw that a city based on the principle of flight to safety would only deepen social divisions. In spite of welcome reductions of fear and violence since about 1993 that have been coterminous with the economic boom and less unemployment in the inner city, fear and the FBI Index of violent crime have increased when the late 1960s are compared to the late 1990s. Specifically, in a national poll in 1967, Americans were asked, "Is there any area right around here -- that is within a mile -- where you would be afraid to walk alone at night?" In 1967, 31% answered yes. In 1998, 41% answered yes. Similarly, the FBI Index of violent crime (murder, rape, robbery and assault combined) has increased from a big city offense rate per 100,000 of 860 in 1969 to 1218 in 1998. (Appendix 5.) America's rates of violence remain much higher than most other industrialized nations, as in the 1960s. Today the rate of homicide death for a young man is 23 times higher in the U.S. than in England. In 1995, handguns were used to kill 2 people in New Zealand, 15 in Japan, 30 in Great Britain, 106 in Canada, 213 in Germany and 9,390 in the United States. In addition, official "crime" statistics in the U.S. do not measure the rate at which our nation produces criminality.
Official statistics understate and hide the endemic problem. . As America's failure to reduce endemic fear and violence over the long run is paralleled by its failure to establish justice. Nearly 1 quarter of all young children live in poverty. America is the most unequal country in the industrialized world in terms of income, wages and wealtha result of the racial bias in our mandatory sentencing system, especially for drugs, 1 of every 3 young African-American males is in the prison-industrial complex, on probation or on parole in America at any one time. In big cities, it is about 1 of every 2.
There is a new "triumphalism" about crime that is misleading. The triumphalism exaggerates the role of tough sentencing and "zero tolerance" policing and underestimates the role of explanations that may be more important, like the economic boom and the related waning of the crack epidemic. Prisons have become our nation's substitute for effective public policies on crime, drugs, mental illness, housing, poverty and employment of the hardest to employ. In a reasonable culture we would not say we had won the war against disease just because we had moved a lot of sick people from their homes to hospital wards. And in a reasonable culture we would not say we have won the war against crime just because we have moved a lot of criminals from the community into prison cells.
The good news is that we are at a point in our history when we actually have the wherewithal -- both the knowledge and the material resources -- to launch an honest and effective attack on the violent crime that still afflicts us, in ways that are both enduring and community-wise. Since the late 1960s and based on scientific evaluations, we have learned a great deal about what doesn't work and about what does work to insure domestic tranquility at the same time that we establish justice. America has the scientific information and the money to replicate what works at a scale equal to the dimensions of the problem.
Much of what doesn't work also is immoral -- like tax breaks for the rich while young child poverty is almost 25% and more spending by the states on prison building than on higher education. Local televison news too often emphasizes violence and too seldom produces thoughtful stories on what works. This helps create a "mean world syndrome" in the minds of viewers, who then often conclude that nothing works. In terms of network television entertainment violence, not every child who watches a lot of violence or plays a lot of violent games will grow up to be violent.
Other forces must converge, as they did recently in Colorado. But just as every cigarette increases the chance that someday you will get lung cancer, every exposure to violence increases the chances that some day a child will behave more violently than they would otherwise. If there ever were a metaphor for a failure of democracy, lack of firearms control may be it. The firearms death rate in America is 8 times greater than those of the 25 other wealthy nations combined. In the late 1960s, there were 90 million firearms in the U.S. Today, there are almost 200 million firearms in this country. They are no longer mostly designed for hunting and target-shooting. Today, most are high-powered, rapid-firing, easily- concealed weapons that have no other logical function than to kill humans. The impact of a flood of such weapons into an urban society is profound. Any confused teenager feeling disparaged by fellow students can blow a number of them away. A worker who has problems on the job can put an end to it with a massacre at the office. A litigant who feels wronged by the justice system can set it right by shooting up the courthouse. Most people resolve things in a more reasonable way -- but in a nation of 230 million people and 200 million firearms, the law of averages is producing a growing number of massacres.
In the 1960s, the dialogue on firearm violence was dominated by political assassinations and the shock of losing some of our nation's most promising leaders. In the 1990s,the dialogue has shifted to our children, and to public shootings in schools, places of worship and day care centers.
Dominated by the economic system,America's leaders presently lack the will to act, to replicate to scale what we already know to work based on scientific evidence -- in spite of considerable public opinion to the contrary and unprecedented prosperity.
We are of course indebted to the Gawker.com site for the names and pictures included here. There's a little coda on the Gawker page inviting visitors to include names and pictures that weren't shown - and there are plenty. We urge our reader however to visit this web page: http://gawker.com/unarmed-people-of-color-killed-by-police-1999-2014-1666672349 to read the individual stories of how each one of these brothers and sisters died. Then after reading through just these unforgivable events remember as much as you can the next time you sit watching the TV news or listening to the next presidential debate or the Sunday pundits opining on terror and war and our cherished freedoms. No one will dare ask what kind of country is it that can shoot unarmed citizens including children with seeming impunity.
"We black folk, our history and our present being, are a mirror of all the manifold experiences of America. What we want, what we represent, what we endure is what America is. If we black folk perish, America will perish. If America has forgotten her past, then let her look into the mirror of our consciousness and she will see the living past living in the present, for our memories go back, through our black folk of today, through the recollections of our black parents, and through the tales of slavery told by our black grandparents, to the time when none of us, black or white, lived in this fertile land. The differences between black folk and white folk are not blood or color, and the ties that bind us are deeper than those that separate us. The common road of hope which we all have traveled has brought us into a stronger kinship than any words, laws, or legal claims. Look at us and know us and you will know yourselves, for we are you, looking back at you from the dark mirror of our lives! - Richard Wright, "12 Million Black Voices" (please see in PAGES section: "THE NAMES TO THE FACES" )
Top Row from Left:
- Rumain Brisbon, 34, Phoenix, 12/2/2014
- Tamir E. Rice, 12, Cleveland, 11/22/2014
- Akai Gurley, 28, Brooklyn, 11/20/2014
- Kajieme Powell, 25, St. Louis, 8/19/2014
- Ezell Ford, 25, Los Angeles, 8/12/2014
- Dante Parker, 36, San Bernardino, 8/12/2014
- Michael Brown, 18, Ferguson, 8/9/2014
- John Crawford III, 22, Beavercreek, OH, 8/5/2014
- Tyree Woodson, 38, Baltimore, 8/2/2014
- Eric Garner, 43, New York, 7/14/2014
Second Row (down) from left:
1. Victor White, 22, Iberia Parish, La, 3/22/2014
2. Yvette Smith, 47, Bastrop, Tx, 2/16/2014
3. McKenzie Cochran, 25, Southfield, Mi, 1/28/2014
4. Jordan Baker, 26, Houston, Tx, 1/16/2014
5. Andy Lopez, 13, Santa Rosa, Ca, 10/22/2013
6. Miriam Carey, 34, Washington, D.C. , 10/3/2013
7. Jonathan Ferrell, 24, Bradfield, NC, 9/14/2013
8. Carlos Alcis, 43, New York, NY, 8/15/2013
9. Larry E. Jackson, 32, Austin, Tx, 7/26/2013
10. (unknown-for now)
Third Row (down) from left:
1. Deion Fludd, 17, New York, NY, 5/5/2013
2. Kimani Gray, 16, New York, NY, 3/9/2013
3. Malissa Williams, 30, Cleveland, Oh, 11/29/2012
4. Timothy Russell, 43, Cleveland, Oh, 11/29/2012
5. Reynaldo Cuevas, 20, New York, NY, 9/7/2012
6. Chavis Carter, 21, Jonesboro, Ark., 7/29/2012
7. Shantel Davis, 23, New York, NY 6/14/2012
8. Tamon Robinson, 27, New York, NY, 4/18/2012
9. Ervin Jefferson, 18, Atlanta, Ga, 3/24/2012
10. Kendrec McDade, 19, Pasedena, Ca, 3/24/2012
Fourth Row (down) from left:
1. Rekia Boyd, 22, Chicago, Il, 3/21/2012
2. Shereese Francis, 30, New York, NY 3/15/2012
3. ?
4. Wendell Allen, 20, New orleans, La, 3/7/2012
5. Nehemiah Dillard, 29, Gainesville, Fl, 3/5/2012
6. Dante Price, 25, Dayton, Oh, 3/1/2012
7. Raymond Allen, 34, Galveston, Tx, 2/27/2012
8. Sgt. Manuel Loggins,Jr, 31, Orange Cty, Ca 2/7/20129. Ramarley Graham, 18, New York, NY 2/2/2012
10. Kenneth Chamberlain, 68, White Plains, NY 11/19/2011
Fifth Row (down) from left:
1. Alonzo Ashley, 29, Denver, Co, 7/18/2011
2. Kenneth Harding, 19, San Francisco, Ca, 7/16/2011
3. Raheim Brown, 20, Oakland, Ca, 1/22/2011
4. Reginald Doucet, 25, Los Angeles, Ca 1/14/2011
5. Derrick Jones, 37, Oakland, Ca, 11/8/2011
6. Danroy Henry, 20, Thornwood, NY 10/17/2010
7. Aiyana Jones, 7, Detroit, Mi, 5/10/2010
8. Steven Eugene Washington, 27, Los Angeles, Ca, 3/20/2010
9. Aaron Campbell, 25, Portland, Or, 1/29/2010
10. Kiwane Carrington, 15, Champaign, Il, 10/9/2009
Sixth row down from left:
1. Victor Steen, 17, Pensacola, Fl, 10/3/2009
2. Shem Walker, 49, New York, NY, 7/11/2009
3. Oscar Grant, 22, Oakland, Ca, 1/1/2009
4. Tarika Wilson, 26, Lima, Oh, 1/4/2008
5. DeAunta Terrel Farrow, 12, W. Memphis, Ark, 7/22/2007
6. Sean Bell, 23, New York, NY, 11/25/2006
7. Henry Glover, 31, New Orleans, La, 9/2/2005
8. James Brisette, 17, New Orleans, La, 9/4/2005
9. Ronald Madison, 40, New Orleans, La, 9/4/2005
10. Timothy Stansbury, 19, New York, NY, 1/24/2004
Seventh Row doen from left:
1. Alberta Spruill, 57, New York, NY, 5/16/2003
2. Ousmane Zongo, 43, New York, NY, 5/22/2003
3. Orlando Barlow, 28, Las Vegas, Nv, 2/28/2003
4. Timothy Thomas, 19, Cincinnati, Oh, 4/7/2001
5. Prince Jones, 25, Fairfax County, Va, 9/1/2000
6. Ronald Beasley, 36, Dellwood, Mo, 6/12/2000
7. Earl Murray, 36, Dellwood, Mo, 6/12/2000
8. Patrick Dorismond, 26, New York, NY, 3/16/2000
9.Malcolm Ferguson, 23, New York, NY, 3/1/2000
10. Amadou Diallo, 23, New York, NY, 2/4/1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT ON THE 50TH ANNIVERSARY OF BLOODY SUNDAY -- (Senate - March 11, 2015)
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EDMUND PETTUS BRIDGE
SELMA, ALABAMA
THE PRESIDENT: Well, you know I love you back.
It is a rare honor in this life to follow one of your heroes. And John Lewis is one of my heroes.
Now, I have to imagine that when a younger John Lewis woke up that morning 50 years ago and made his way to Brown Chapel, heroics were not on his mind. A day like this was not on his mind. Young folks with bedrolls and backpacks were milling about. Veterans of the movement trained newcomers in the tactics of non-violence; the right way to protect yourself when attacked. A doctor described what tear gas does to the body, while marchers scribbled down instructions for contacting their loved ones. The air was thick with doubt, anticipation and fear. And they comforted themselves with the final verse of the final hymn they sung:
``No matter what may be the test, God will take care of you; Lean, weary one, upon His breast, God will take care of you.''
And then, his knapsack stocked with an apple, a toothbrush, and a book on government--all you need for a night behind bars--John Lewis led them out of the church on a mission to change America.
President and Mrs. Bush, Governor Bentley, Mayor Evans, Sewell, Reverend Strong, members of Congress, elected officials, foot soldiers, friends, fellow Americans:
As John noted, there are places and moments in America where this nation's destiny has been decided. Many are sites of war--Concord and Lexington, Appomattox, Gettysburg. Others are sites that symbolize the daring of America's character--Independence Hall and Seneca Falls, Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral.
Selma is such a place. In one afternoon 50 years ago, so much of our turbulent history--the stain of slavery and anguish of civil war; the yoke of segregation and tyranny of Jim Crow; the death of four little girls in Birmingham; and the dream of a Baptist preacher--all that history met on this bridge.
It was not a clash of armies, but a clash of wills; a contest to determine the true meaning of America. And because of men and women like John Lewis, Joseph Lowery, Hosea Williams, Amelia Boynton, Diane Nash, Ralph Abernathy, C.T. Vivian, Andrew Young, Fred Shuttlesworth, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and so many others, the idea of a just America and a fair America, an inclusive America, and a generous America--that idea ultimately triumphed.
As is true across the landscape of American history, we cannot examine this moment in isolation. The march on Selma was part of a broader campaign that spanned generations; the leaders that day part of a long line of heroes.
We gather here to celebrate them. We gather here to honor the courage of ordinary Americans willing to endure billy clubs and the chastening rod; tear gas and the trampling hoof; men and women who despite the gush of blood and splintered bone would stay true to their North Star and keep marching towards justice.
They did as Scripture instructed: ``Rejoice in hope, be patient in tribulation, be constant in prayer.'' And in the days to come, they went back again and again. When the trumpet call sounded for more to join, the people came--black and white, young and old, Christian and Jew, waving the American flag and singing the same anthems full of faith and hope. A white newsman, Bill Plante, who covered the marches then and who is with us here today, quipped that the growing number of white people lowered the quality of the singing. To those who marched, though, those old gospel songs must have never sounded so sweet.
In time, their chorus would well up and reach President Johnson. And he would send them protection, and speak to the nation, echoing their call for America and the world to hear: ``We shall overcome.'' What enormous faith these men and women had. Faith in God, but also faith in America.
The Americans who crossed this bridge, they were not physically imposing. But they gave courage to millions. They held no elected office. But they led a nation. They marched as Americans who had endured hundreds of years of brutal violence, countless daily indignities--but they didn't seek special treatment, just the equal treatment promised to them almost a century before.
What they did here will reverberate through the ages. Not because the change they won was preordained; not because their victory was complete; but because they proved that nonviolent change is possible, that love and hope can conquer hate.
As we commemorate their achievement, we are well-served to remember that at the time of the marches, many in power condemned rather than praised them. Back then, they were called Communists, or half-breeds, or outside agitators, sexual and moral degenerates, and worse--they were called everything but the name their parents gave them. Their faith was questioned. Their lives were threatened. Their patriotism challenged.
And yet, what could be more American than what happened in this place? What could more profoundly vindicate the idea of America than plain and humble people--unsung, the downtrodden, the dreamers not of high station, not born to wealth or privilege, not of one religious tradition but many, coming together to shape their country's course?
That's why Selma is not some outlier in the American experience. That's why it's not a museum or a static monument to behold from a distance. It is instead the manifestation of a creed written into our founding documents: ``We the People ..... in order to form a more perfect union.'' ``We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.''
These are not just words. They're a living thing, a call to action, a roadmap for citizenship and an insistence in the capacity of free men and women to shape our own destiny. For founders like Franklin and Jefferson, for leaders like Lincoln and FDR, the success of our experiment in self-government rested on engaging all of our citizens in this work. And that's what we celebrate here in Selma. That's what this movement was all about, one leg in our long journey toward freedom.
The American instinct that led these young men and women to pick up the torch and cross this bridge, that's the same instinct that moved patriots to choose revolution over tyranny. It's the same instinct that drew immigrants from across oceans and the Rio Grande; the same instinct that led women to reach for the ballot, workers to organize against an unjust status quo; the same instinct that led us to plant a flag at Iwo Jima and on the surface of the Moon.
It's the idea held by generations of citizens who believed that America is a constant work in progress; who believed that loving this country requires more than singing its praises or avoiding uncomfortable truths. It requires the occasional disruption, the willingness to speak out for what is right, to shake up the status quo. That's America.
That's what makes us unique. That's what cements our reputation as a beacon of opportunity. Young people behind the Iron Curtain would see Selma and eventually tear down that wall. Young people in Soweto would hear Bobby Kennedy talk about ripples of hope and eventually banish the scourge of apartheid. Young people in Burma went to prison rather than submit to military rule. They saw what John Lewis had done. From the streets of Tunis to the Maidan in Ukraine, this generation of young people can draw strength from this place, where the powerless could change the world's greatest power and push their leaders to expand the boundaries of freedom.
They saw that idea made real right here in Selma, Alabama. They saw that idea manifest itself here in America.
Because of campaigns like this, a Voting Rights Act was passed. Political and economic and social barriers came down. And the change these men and women wrought is visible here today in the presence of African Americans who run boardrooms, who sit on the bench, who serve in elected office from small towns to big cities; from the Congressional Black Caucus all the way to the Oval Office.
Because of what they did, the doors of opportunity swung open not just for black folks, but for every American. Women marched through those doors. Latinos marched through those doors. Asian Americans, gay Americans, Americans with disabilities--they all came through those doors. Their endeavors gave the entire South the chance to rise again, not by reasserting the past, but by transcending the past.
What a glorious thing, Dr. King might say. And what a solemn debt we owe. Which leads us to ask, just how might we repay that debt?
First and foremost, we have to recognize that one day's commemoration, no matter how special, is not enough. If Selma taught us anything, it's that our work is never done. The American experiment in self-government gives work and purpose to each generation.
Selma teaches us, as well, that action requires that we shed our cynicism. For when it comes to the pursuit of justice, we can afford neither complacency nor despair.
Just this week, I was asked whether I thought the Department of Justice's Ferguson report shows that, with respect to race, little has changed in this country. And I understood the question; the report's narrative was sadly familiar. It evoked the kind of abuse and disregard for citizens that spawned the Civil Rights Movement. But I rejected the notion that nothing's changed. What happened in Ferguson may not be unique, but it's no longer endemic. It's no longer sanctioned by law or by custom. And before the Civil Rights Movement, it most surely was.
We do a disservice to the cause of justice by intimating that bias and discrimination are immutable, that racial division is inherent to America. If you think nothing's changed in the past 50 years, ask somebody who lived through the Selma or Chicago or Los Angeles of the 1950s. Ask the female CEO who once might have been assigned to the secretarial pool if nothing's changed. Ask your gay friend if it's easier to be out and proud in America now than it was thirty years ago. To deny this progress, this hard-won progress--our progress--would be to rob us of our own agency, our own capacity, our responsibility to do what we can to make America better.
Of course, a more common mistake is to suggest that Ferguson is an isolated incident; that racism is banished; that the work that drew men and women to Selma is now complete, and that whatever racial tensions remain are a consequence of those seeking to play the ``race card'' for their own purposes. We don't need the Ferguson report to know that's not true. We just need to open our eyes, and our ears, and our hearts to know that this nation's racial history still casts its long shadow upon us.
We know the march is not yet over. We know the race is not yet won. We know that reaching that blessed destination where we are judged, all of us, by the content of our character requires admitting as much, facing up to the truth. ``We are capable of bearing a great burden,'' James Baldwin once wrote, ``once we discover that the burden is reality and arrive where reality is.''
There's nothing America can't handle if we actually look squarely at the problem. And this is work for all Americans, not just some. Not just whites. Not just blacks. If we want to honor the courage of those who marched that day, then all of us are called to possess their moral imagination. All of us will need to feel as they did the fierce urgency of now. All of us need to recognize as they did that change depends on our actions, on our attitudes, the things we teach our children. And if we make such an effort, no matter how hard it may sometimes seem, laws can be passed, and consciences can be stirred, and consensus can be built.
With such an effort, we can make sure our criminal justice system serves all and not just some. Together, we can raise the level of mutual trust that policing is built on--the idea that police officers are members of the community they risk their lives to protect, and citizens in Ferguson and New York and Cleveland, they just want the same thing young people here marched for 50 years ago--the protection of the law. Together, we can address unfair sentencing and overcrowded prisons, and the stunted circumstances that rob too many boys of the chance to become men, and rob the nation of too many men who could be good dads, and good workers, and good neighbors.
With effort, we can roll back poverty and the roadblocks to opportunity. Americans don't accept a free ride for anybody, nor do we believe in equality of outcomes. But we do expect equal opportunity. And if we really mean it, if we're not just giving lip service to it, but if we really mean it and are willing to sacrifice for it, then, yes, we can make sure every child gets an education suitable to this new century, one that expands imaginations and lifts sights and gives those children the skills they need. We can make sure every person willing to work has the dignity of a job, and a fair wage, and a real voice, and sturdier rungs on that ladder into the middle class.
And with effort, we can protect the foundation stone of our democracy for which so many marched across this bridge--and that is the right to vote. Right now, in 2015, 50 years after Selma, there are laws across this country designed to make it harder for people to vote. As we speak, more of such laws are being proposed. Meanwhile, the Voting Rights Act, the culmination of so much blood, so much sweat and tears, the product of so much sacrifice in the face of wanton violence, the Voting Rights Act stands weakened, its future subject to political rancor.
How can that be? The Voting Rights Act was one of the crowning achievements of our democracy, the result of Republican and Democratic efforts. President Reagan signed its renewal when he was in office. President George W. Bush signed its renewal when he was in office. One hundred members of Congress have come here today to honor people who were willing to die for the right to protect it. If we want to honor this day, let that hundred go back to Washington and gather four hundred more, and together, pledge to make it their mission to restore that law this year. That's how we honor those on this bridge.
Of course, our democracy is not the task of Congress alone, or the courts alone, or even the President alone. If every new voter-suppression law was struck down today, we would still have, here in America, one of the lowest voting rates among free peoples. Fifty years ago, registering to vote here in Selma and much of the South meant guessing the number of jellybeans in a jar, the number of bubbles on a bar of soap. It meant risking your dignity, and sometimes, your life.
What's our excuse today for not voting? How do we so casually discard the right for which so many fought? How do we so fully give away our power, our voice, in shaping America's future? Why are we pointing to somebody else when we could take the time just to go to the polling places? We give away our power.
Fellow marchers, so much has changed in 50 years. We have endured war and we've fashioned peace. We've seen technological wonders that touch every aspect of our lives. We take for granted conveniences that our parents could have scarcely imagined. But what has not changed is the imperative of citizenship; that willingness of a 26-year-old deacon, or a Unitarian minister, or a young mother of five to decide they loved this country so much that they'd risk everything to realize its promise.
That's what it means to love America. That's what it means to believe in America. That's what it means when we say America is exceptional.
For we were born of change. We broke the old aristocracies, declaring ourselves entitled not by bloodline, but endowed by our
We are Sojourner Truth and Fannie Lou Hamer, women who could do as much as any man and then some. And we're Susan B. Anthony, who shook the system until the law reflected that truth. That is our character.
We're the immigrants who stowed away on ships to reach these shores, the huddled masses yearning to breathe free--Holocaust survivors, Soviet defectors, the Lost Boys of Sudan. We're the hopeful strivers who cross the Rio Grande because we want our kids to know a better life. That's how we came to be.
We're the slaves who built the White House and the economy of the South. We're the ranch hands and cowboys who opened up the West, and countless laborers who laid rail, and raised skyscrapers, and organized for workers' rights.
We're the fresh-faced GIs who fought to liberate a continent. And we're the Tuskeegee Airmen, and the Navajo code-talkers, and the Japanese Americans who fought for this country even as their own liberty had been denied.
We're the firefighters who rushed into those buildings on 9/11, the volunteers who signed up to fight in Afghanistan and Iraq. We're the gay Americans whose blood ran in the streets of San Francisco and New York, just as blood ran down this bridge.
We are storytellers, writers, poets, artists who abhor unfairness, and despise hypocrisy, and give voice to the voiceless, and tell truths that need to be told.
We're the inventors of gospel and jazz and blues, bluegrass and country, and hip-hop and rock and roll, and our very own sound with all the sweet sorrow and reckless joy of freedom.
We are Jackie Robinson, enduring scorn and spiked cleats and pitches coming straight to his head, and stealing home in the World Series anyway.
We are the people Langston Hughes wrote of who ``build our temples for tomorrow, strong as we know how.'' We are the people Emerson wrote of, ``who for truth and honor's sake stand fast and suffer long;'' who are ``never tired, so long as we can see far enough.''
That's what America is. Not stock photos or airbrushed history, or feeble attempts to define some of us as more American than others. We respect the past, but we don't pine for the past. We don't fear the future; we grab for it. America is not some fragile thing. We are large, in the words of Whitman, containing multitudes. We are boisterous and diverse and full of energy, perpetually young in spirit. That's why someone like John Lewis at the ripe old age of 25 could lead a mighty march.
And that's what the young people here today and listening all across the country must take away from this day. You are America. Unconstrained by habit and convention. Unencumbered by what is, because you're ready to seize what ought to be.
For everywhere in this country, there are first steps to be taken, there's new ground to cover, there are more bridges to be crossed. And it is you, the young and fearless at heart, the most diverse and educated generation in our history, who the nation is waiting to follow.
Because Selma shows us that America is not the project of any one person. Because the single-most powerful word in our democracy is the word ``We.'' ``We The People.'' ``We Shall Overcome.'' ``Yes We Can.'' That word is owned by no one. It belongs to everyone. Oh, what a glorious task we are given, to continually try to improve this great nation of ours.
Fifty years from Bloody Sunday, our march is not yet finished, but we're getting closer. Two hundred and thirty-nine years after this nation's founding our union is not yet perfect, but we are getting closer. Our job's easier because somebody already got us through that first mile. Somebody already got us over that bridge. When it feels the road is too hard, when the torch we've been passed feels too heavy, we will remember these early travelers, and draw strength from their example, and hold firmly the words of the prophet Isaiah: ``Those who hope in the Lord will renew their strength. They will soar on [the] wings like eagles. They will run and not grow weary. They will walk and not be faint.''
We honor those who walked so we could run. We must run so our children soar. And we will not grow weary. For we believe in the power of an awesome God, and we believe in this country's sacred promise.
May He bless those warriors of justice no longer with us, and bless the United States of America. Thank you, everybody.
THE GRACE OF AN ARTIST
To be read aloud:
"Racism can be seen as a language of perception and behavior. It is a way of perceiving (interpreting) the world where one sees those of other races as not simply inferior, but ultimately less human, and therefore not as worth valuing so far as the things they experience, feel or suffer through as human beings. It is a way of behaving such that one takes actions, conscious or unconscious, to keep those of other races pressed downward into weaker states of power and lesser states of freedom, with respect to everything from confidence and sense of self-worth, to economic mobility and education -- this oppression is accomplished through words, images, laws, policy, violent force, etc. As with any other language, when it comes to the lingua of racism those who are fluent can recognize its patterns and meanings very precisely, while those who have never properly studied the language are often unable to even recognize its presence, let alone grasp its meaning. This is the underlying reason why, in today's America, you will have two people sitting next to one another on the metro, or working together in the same office, or in some cases dating one another and at night intimately merged onto a single bed, where one person will feel an enduring pain over the ferocious levels of racism that exist in this country, while the other will, with absolute sincerity, believe racism to not exist outside of the curriculum of history classes or the grainy black-and-white footage of documentary films.
Those who can read and interpret the language of racism with some fluency know that the Donald Sterling incident -- someone making hateful, discriminatory comments -- embodies the most common form of racism. America is populated by millions of Donald Sterlings, rich and poor, male and female, boss and employee; and while Sterling now bears a public crucifixion for the way he sees the world, his sentiments are echoed by a proud chorus of like-minded Americans in living rooms, locker rooms, company boardrooms, Internet forums and article comment sections all across this country. But racist commentary like Sterling's is merely the decorative sign that hangs at the front gate of the old and vast estate where American racism lives. American racism, like many manifestations of the devil in America, is incredibly cunning. You think he dons a white hood and rides a horse, but he wears a suit that costs more than your rent and has a chauffeur. You think he's the one casting aggressive looks on your walk home, but he's the one shaping the laws for the land upon which your house is built. American racism is so smart, so agile, that he's convinced many of us that he doesn't even exist; and his truly powerful movements are much more complex, deceptive,and devastating than the ugly comments of an old man. Donald Sterling is nothing more than a piñata of racism, now dangling from the rope of his own primitive words: he is a colorfully painted example of racism that requires no work to identify or understand, and becomes a convenient object for people to gather around to beat aggressively. But one can very much lash at Donald Sterling with boiling words, while not being able to see the true face of American racism, at all.
The walls of social media roar now with angrily thumb-tapped expressions of fury in response to Sterling's comments. But if the nation is so offended by racism, why is there no consistent public outrage for the ongoing racist practices that deeply affect entire communities of Americans on a daily basis? Perhaps it is because the more complex (and sinister) gestures of racism -- actions that powerfully inhibit the mobility of large groups of people -- are not packaged into simple statements that are convenient to understand and be angry about.
Let us consider what the most racist practices taking place in the United States would sound like, as direct statements:
"Let's develop a prison system that makes money by being filled with prisoners. For-profit prisons with quotas. Then we'll target Black and Latino men from low-income communities to fill these prisons. They can't afford lawyers, and they're deprived of the necessary education to fight back, so it's easy."
"Let's come up with special laws in largely Black and Latino communities to make it harder for them to vote, because they don't vote for the things that serve our interests."
"Let's portray minorities in television shows and movies in a way that makes them look like stereotyped one-dimensional caricatures. We'll make Blacks and Latinos look like meatheads, thugs and criminals. Asians will be nerds and martial artists. Arab characters will be terrorists. We'll make all their women look like exotic sex objects."
"Let's pass laws that ultimately work so Black people can be shot in the name of self-defense, and make it easy for the shooters to be acquitted."
"Let's have our media focus on sensationalist issues like old men making racist comments, and ignore the systemic issues that make it hard for minorities to maintain a healthy, successful life on a daily basis."All things evolve -- they become more elaborate and refined over time as the result of the ongoing work of intelligence. Human written language was once comprised of basic shapes scratched onto the surfaces of cave walls, but today manifests itself as invisible particles of information precipitating through the air to take these words from the gentle depression of my fingertips to the electronic glow of your computer or smartphone monitor. The language of American racism was also once comprised of blunt and basic symbols: plantation owners whipping, raping and hanging their Black slaves, or the robbing, murder and rape of Chinese immigrants during the era of the California Gold Rush and the Transcontinental Railroad, etc. Today, American racism has been engineered over time into a more sophisticated language, with a grammar built of millions of less noticeable acts of dehumanization and oppression subtly encoded into our nation's way of life: its evening news, its movies and television programs, its laws, its hiring practices, etc. If you stood right now before the specter of American Racism sitting upon his throne of golden bones, he himself would tell you: "Ha. Of course Donald Sterling is not a big deal. Donald, Donald, Donald. Just another of my dispensable pawns. I laugh. I laugh watching you all feverishly call for his head... and then I look across the great stone chessboard, to admire all the other pieces I have in play."
From How Big of a Deal Are Donald Sterling's Comments, Really?
by Jie-Song Zhang
(cited The Huffington Post 5/1/14)
Rx FOR AMERICA:
"The Right-wing's deranged response to Obama's election from both the mouth-breathing Tea Party foot soldiers, and the herrenvolk Republican elite, has been a textbook example of how white racism is a toxin in the body politic of the United States--one for which "generational replacement" will hopefully provide a much needed remedy."
- Chauncey deVega, 4/11/14
_______________
"If it had been left to the so-called decent people in this country, there'd be no jazz. It was due to the Mafia, who liked the music and who ran the joints-Sicily you know is only 28 miles from Africa, so they have a great affinity. They're the ones who said, "Hey, you guys, come on and play in this joint." Those were the only places where we could play. So that's where the music had to grow. Now you can go into the big concert halls and so forth, but its still on the part of a lot of people with a lot of reluctance.They still have a respect unly for European music and they tended to stay only in their own art culture. This country still does that, it hasn't really grown past that. In europe they look at jazz as one of the world's great art forms, which it is. But in this country they're so messed up by racism that they can see it as "those people's music," you know. So they deny themselves their own culture. It's the only country that does that. It's a drag!""-
Jon Hendricks, cited in "Too Marvelous For Words-The Life and Genius of Art Tatum by JamesLester. You may know Mr. Hendricks by the noted vocal trio of Lambert, Hendricks, and Ross.
Jon Hendricks, a jazz singer and songwriter who became famous in the 1950s with the vocal trio Lambert, Hendricks & Ross by putting lyrics to well-known jazz instrumentals and turning them into vocal tours de force, died on Wednesday in Manhattan. He was 96.
His death, in a hospital, was confirmed by his daughter Aria Hendricks.
Although he was a gifted vocal improviser in his own right, Mr. Hendricks was best known for adding words to the improvisations of other.
KANSAS CITY MONARCHS, 1941 -
"I wouldn't waste my time teaching my child to hate. I wouldn't want him to consume up his time-carrying out these things. I wouldn't want him to waste his life like that. I'd want him to live in peace. If you hate, you get all tore up. I've seen people tear themselves up, you know, and then they try to lay it on someone else because they caused it. But he's the one.
 |
| "Joe" Greene |
"The first time I played against the big leaguers was against the Detroit Tigers in 1922.
________________
________________________________
submitted by Sam 4/28/15
Why Jeff Bezos is still a schmuck and vies for the title, "World's Greediest Asshole":- see his book description then let him hear if you think he's an anti-semitic ass ( and please no freedom of speech tears)
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Book Description
Some historians claim that the Protocols of the Elders of Zion is a forgery that was used primarily as a propaganda tool to prevent what would later become the Russian Revolution of 1917. Other historians, however, claim that it is a legitimate account of the Learned Elders of Zion, who sought to create a plan for Jewish world domination. The truth of the matter is still open to debate.
submitted by Sam, April 7, 2015
All the good work ex-Rep. Aaron Schock never did on curbing the rapacious Federal Government's out-of-control spending will never be missed, along with his robotic and racist posturings towards everything and anything decent Obama tried to do for this country:
FAMOUS LAST WORDS
"So I am proud of the work I have done to contribute to a Republican majority here in Congress--to begin to scale back the overreaches of a bloated Federal Government and to begin to bend the curve on out-of-control spending. That has only happened because of a Republican majority, and I am proud to have played a role in building it." -
Aaron Schock, Congressional Record. 3/26/2015
AP Photo
Aaron Schock hires two more lawyers
Embattled former Illinois Rep. Aaron Schock has hired two more lawyers from two different law firms, as he gets ready to combat allegations he improperly spent campaign and taxpayer dollars, according to several sources familiar with his case.
Schock has hired Jeffrey Lang, an Iowa-based partner in Lane and Waterman, who was the U.S. attorney from the central district of Illinois, and McGuire Woods D.C.-based partner George Terwilliger, who is a leader in the firm’s white-collar defense team. Terwilliger was a U.S. attorney in the Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations — he served as acting attorney general under Bush.
One source familiar with the case said Schock has “rounded out his legal team.”
Schock has already hired William McGinley and Don McGahn from Jones Day in Washington to represent him.
A grand jury is scheduled to hear testimony next week in Springfield, Illinois, where several people are expected to testify about Schock’s handling of taxpayer and campaign dollars. Schock resigned several hours after POLITICO asked why he billed taxpayers and his campaign for about 170,000 miles when his car had driven only about 80,000 miles when he sold it. His resignation was official March 31.
Schock’s operation says he has already repaid the government for a private airplane flight and the redecorating of his Capitol Hill office. In an interview with POLITICO before he announced his resignation, Schock said he expected to have to refile several spending disclosure documents. In that same interview, he declined to say whether he thought he broke any laws or House rules in his six-year career in D.C.
3/19/2015
  The WALNUT STREET BRIDGE spans the Tennessee River in Chattanooga. Built in 1890 it originally connected the white section (south) of the city with the Black section (north)- no kidding, I copied this info straight from the every-cop source, the Wikipedia-.On MARCH 19, 1906 a Black man named ED JOHNSON after a most mockingly unfair trial was hung and shot on this landmark by a white lynch mob for allegedly assaulting a white woman. Mr. Johnson's conviction was officially overturned 94 years later. Today the bridge is one of the longest pedestrian bridges in the world and every year- as far as we know- on March 19, the community remembers Ed Johnson with an organized memorial walk to the bridge
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submitted by Sam 3/11/2015
THERE ARE AT LEAST 47 TRAITORS IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE.
from Justice (George) Sutherland's majority opinion United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corp. (1936)
As a nation with all the attributes of sovereignty, the United States is vested with all the powers of government necessary to maintain an effective control of international relations.
Not only, as we have shown, is the federal power over external affairs in origin and essential character different from that over internal affairs, but participation in the exercise of the power is significantly limited. In this vast external realm, with its important, complicated, delicate and manifold problems, the President alone has the power to speak or listen as a representative of the nation. He makes treaties with the advice and consent of the Senate; but he alone negotiates. Into the field of negotiation the Senate cannot intrude, and Congress itself is powerless to invade it. As Marshall said in his great argument of March 7, 1800, in the House of Representatives, "The President is the sole organ of the nation in its external relations, and its sole representative with foreign nations." Annals, 6th Cong., col. 613. The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, at a very early day in our history (February 15, 1816), reported to the Senate, among other things, as follows:
The President is the constitutional representative of the United States with regard to foreign nations. He manages our concerns with foreign nations, and must necessarily be most competent to determine when, how, and upon what subjects negotiation may be urged with the greatest prospect of success. For his conduct, he is responsible to the Constitution. The committee consider this responsibility the surest pledge for the faithful discharge of his duty. They think the interference of the Senate in the direction of foreign negotiations calculated to diminish that responsibility, and thereby to impair the best security for the national safety. The nature of transactions with foreign nations, moreover, requires caution and unity of design, and their success frequently depends on secrecy and dispatch.
It is important to bear in mind that we are here dealing not alone with an authority vested in the President by an [p320] exertion of legislative power, but with such an authority plus the very delicate, plenary and exclusive power of the President as the sole organ of the federal government in the field of international relations -- a power which does not require as a basis for its exercise an act of Congress but which, of course, like every other governmental power, must be exercised in subordination to the applicable provisions of the Constitution. It is quite apparent that if, in the maintenance of our international relations, embarrassment -- perhaps serious embarrassment -- is to be avoided and success for our aims achieved, congressional legislation which is to be made effective through negotiation and inquiry within the international field must often accord to the President a degree of discretion and freedom from statutory restriction which would not be admissible were domestic affairs alone involved. Moreover, he, not Congress, has the better opportunity of knowing the conditions which prevail in foreign countries, and especially is this true in time of war. He has his confidential sources of information. He has his agents in the form of diplomatic, consular and other officials. Secrecy in respect of information gathered by them may be highly necessary, and the premature disclosure of it productive of harmful results. Indeed, so clearly is this true that the first President refused to accede to a request to lay before the House of Representatives the instructions, correspondence and documents relating to the negotiation of the Jay Treaty -- a refusal the wisdom of which was recognized by the House itself, and has never since been doubted. In his reply to the request, President Washington said:
The nature of foreign negotiations requires caution, and their success must often depend on secrecy, and even when brought to a conclusion, a full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions which may have been proposed or contemplated would be extremely [p321]impolitic, for this might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations or produce immediate inconveniences, perhaps danger and mischief, in relation to other powers. The necessity of such caution and secrecy was one cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, the principle on which that body was formed confining it to a small number of members. To admit, then, a right in the House of Representatives to demand and to have as a matter of course all the papers respecting a negotiation with a foreign power would be to establish a dangerous precedent.
2/12/2015
The Bizarro World of Rep. Joe "You Lie" Wilson. proud son of South Carolina. Everything that is ugly, corrupted, rotten, disgraceful, ignoble, small and base about America is personified in this man's mere existence and by extension in those who vote for him and I write this with all disrespect. As a former aide to Strom Thurmond I'm sure he represents South Carolina ( see our previous page on "Benghazi") with all the integrity it deserves. Yesterday he graced the House chamber with this bit of bilge:
HONORING SENATOR BARRY GOLDWATER -- (House of Representatives - February 11, 2015)
[Page: H927] GPO's PDF --- Mr. WILSON of South Carolina. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased that Congress today will honor a great American patriot, Barry Goldwater, with a statue in the National Statuary Hall of the U.S. Capitol. On July 4, 1963, I visited Washington, by bus, for the first time to participate in the National Draft Goldwater Rally. Senator Goldwater's legacy of promoting limited government, a strong national defense--leading to victory in the cold war--and protecting personal freedoms is more vital than ever. As a teenage Republican, I lived the southern Republican revolution he inspired. He helped transform the South from nonexistent, or insignificant, Republican legislative membership in 1963, culminating in 2014 with Republican legislative majorities in all States from Virginia to Texas and Oklahoma to Arkansas. I am grateful the southern Republican revolution has created an open process in South Carolina, with Nikki Haley being the first female Governor in 340 years, with Tim Scott being the first popularly elected African American ever elected in the South to the U.S. Senate, and Alan Wilson being elected America's youngest attorney general. In conclusion, God bless our troops, and may the President never forget September the 11th in the global war on terrorism.
The Spade In The Dark Loam
Jan. 25, 2015
Once upon another time:
(From Harry S. Truman's Greatest Hits)
.
MR. PRESIDENT: This is the report which we have prepared in accordance with the instructions which you gave to us in your statement and Executive Order on December 5, 1946: Freedom From Fear is more fully realized in our country than in any other on the face of the earth. Yet all parts of our population are not equally free from fear. And from time to time, and in some places, this freedom has been gravely threatened. It was so after the last war, when organized groups fanned hatred and intolerance, until, at times, mob action struck fear into the hearts of men and women because of their racial origin or religious beliefs.[VIII] EXECUTIVE ORDER 9808 ESTABLISHING THE PRESIDENT'S COMMITTEE ON CIVIL RIGHTS WHEREAS the preservation of civil rights guaranteed by the Constitution is essential to domestic tranquility, national security, the general welfare, and the continued existence of our free institutions; and WHEREAS the action of individuals who take the law into their own hands and inflict summary punishment and wreak personal vengeance is subversive of our democratic system of law enforcement and public criminal justice, and gravely threatens our form of government; and WHEREAS it is essential that all possible steps be taken to safeguard our civil rights: Now, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested in me as President of the United States by the Constitution and the statutes of. the United States, it is hereby ordered as follows: 1. There is hereby created a committee to be known as the President's Committee on Civil Rights, which shall be composed of the following-named members, who shall serve without compensation: Mr. C. E. Wilson, chairman; Mrs. Sadie T. Alexander, Mr. James B. Carey, Mr. John S. Dickey, Mr. Morris L. Ernst, Rabbi Roland B. Gittelsohn, Dr. Frank P. Graham, The Most Reverend Francis J. Haas, Mr. Charles Luckman, Mr. Francis P. Matthews, Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr., The Right Reverend Henry Knox Sherrill, Mr. Boris Shishkin, Mrs. M. E. Tilly, Mr. Channing H. Tobias. 2. The Committee is authorized on behalf of the President to inquire into and to determine whether and in what respect current law-enforcement measures and the authority and means possessed by Federal, State, and local governments may be strengthened and improved to safeguard the civil rights of the people. 3. All executive departments and agencies of the Federal Government are authorized and directed to cooperate with the Committee in its work, and to furnish the Committee such information or the services of such persons as the Committee may require in the performance of its duties. 4. When requested by the Committee to do so, persons employed in any of the executive departments and agencies of the Federal Government shall testify before the Committee and shall make available for the use of the Committee such documents and other information as the Committee may require. 5. The Committee shall make a report of its studies to the President in writing, and shall in particular make recommendations with respect to the adoption or establishment, by legislation or otherwise, of more adequate and effective means and procedures for the protection of the civil rights of the people of the United States. [IX] 6. Upon rendition of its report to the President, the Committee shall cease to exist, unless otherwise determined by further Executive Order. HARRY S. TRUMAN The White House, December 5, 1946. The Committee's first task was the interpretation of its assignment. We were not asked to evaluate the extent to which civil rights have been achieved in our country. We did not, therefore, devote ourselves to the construction of a balance sheet which would properly assess the great progress which the nation has made, as well as the shortcomings in the record. Instead, we have almost exclusively focused our attention on the bad side of our record-on what might be called the civil rights frontier. This necessary emphasis upon our country's failures should not be permitted to obscure the real measure of its successes. No fair-minded student of American history, or of world history, will deny to the United States a position of leadership in enlarging the range of human liberties and rights, in recognizing and stating the ideals of freedom and equality, and in steadily and loyally working to make those ideals a reality. Whatever our failures in practice have been or may be, there has never been a time when the American people have doubted the validity .of those ideals. We still regard them as vital to our democratic system. If our task were to evaluate the level of achievement in our civil rights record, mention would have to be made of many significant developments in our history as a nation. We would want to refer to the steady progress toward the goal of universal suffrage which has marked the years between 1789 and the present. We would want to emphasize the disappearance of brutality from our society to a point where the occurrence of a single act of violence is a shocking event precisely because it is so out of keeping with our system of equal justice under law. And we would want to point to the building of our present economy which surely gives the individual greater social mobility, greater economic freedom of choice than any other nation has ever been able to offer. [X] But our purpose is not to praise our country's progress. We believe its impressive achievements must be used as a stimulus to further progress, rather than as an excuse for complacency. At an early point in our work we decided to define our task broadly, to go beyond the specific flagrant outrages to which the President referred in his statement to the Committee. We have done this because these individual instances are only reflections of deeper maladies. We believe we must cure the disease as well as treat its symptoms. Moreover, we are convinced that the term "civil rights" itself has with great wisdom been used flexibly in American history. For our present assignment we have found it appropriate to consolidate some individual freedoms under a single heading, to omit others altogether, and to stress still others which have in the past not been given prominence. Our decisions reflect what we consider to be the nation's most immediate needs. Civil rights, after all, are statements of aspirations, of demands which we make on ourselves and our society. We believe that the principles which underlie them are timeless. But we have selected for treatment those whose implementation is a pressing requirement. Throughout our report we have made use of specific data for illustrative purposes. This report deals with serious civil rights violations in all sections of the country. Much of it has to do with limitations on civil rights in our southern states. To a great extent this reflects reality; many of the most sensational and serious violations of civil rights have taken place in the South. There are understandable historical reasons for this. Among the most obvious is the fact that the greater proportion of our largest, most visible minority group -- the Negroes -- live in the South. In addition to this seeming stress on the problems of one region, many of our illustrations relate to the members of various minority groups, with particular emphasis upon Negroes. The reasons are obvious; these minorities have often had their civil rights abridged. Moreover, the unjust basis for these abridgements stands out sharply because of the distinctiveness of the groups. To place this apparent. emphasis in its proper perspective one need only recall the history of bigotry [XI] and discrimination. At various times practically every region in the country has had its share of disgraceful interferences with the rights of some persons. At some time, members of practically every group have had their freedoms curtailed. In our own time the mobility of our population, including minority groups, is carrying certain of our civil rights problems to all parts of the country. In the near future it is likely that the movement of Negroes from rural to urban areas, and from the South to the rest of the country, will continue. Other minority groups, too, will probably move from their traditional centers of concentration. Unless we take appropriate action on a national scale, their civil rights problems will follow them. The protection of civil rights is a national problem which affects everyone. We need to guarantee the same rights to every person regardless of who he is, where he lives, or what his racial, religious or national origins are. This report covers a broad field and many complex and controversial matters. It is not to be expected that every member of the Committee would personally put every statement just as it appears here. The report does represent a general consensus of the Committee except on those two specific matters where a substantial division of views is reported. The Committee held a series of public hearings at which the spokesmen for interested groups made statements and were questioned. We heard some witnesses in private meetings. A number of staff studies gave us additional information. Hundreds of communications were received from interested private citizens and organizations who were anxious to help us with their information and advice. [XII] From all of this and our own discussions and deliberations we have sought answers to the following: (1) What is the historic civil rights goal of the American people?Our report which follows is divided into four sections which provide our answers to these questions. Sadie T. Alexander James B. Carey John S. Dickey Morris L. Ernst Roland B. Gittelsohn Frank P. Graham Francis J. Haas Charles Luckman Francis P. Matthews Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr. Henry Knox Sherrill Boris Shishkin Dorothy Tilly Channing Tobias Charles E. Wilson, Chairman  June 27, 2014 Memo To: The NYMets pitching staff We at the Joyful Moocher are more than happy to offer this bit of sage diamond advice to you without even being asked: It is joyfully mooched from the pages of Willie's Time by the late Charles Einstein (and if we do say a modern American classic)-  
Andrew "Rube" Foster, 1879-1930
"Father of Black Baseball"
"In Philadelphia in 1907, a booklet was published entitled History of Colored Baseball. It included advice on "How To Pitch" from a veteran named Andrew Foster:" "The real test comes when you are pitching with men on bases. Do not worry. Try to appear jolly and unconcerned. I have smiled often with the bases full with two strikes and three balls on the batter. This seems to unnerve. In other instances, where the batter appears anxious to hit, waste a liitle time on him and when you think he realizes his position and evrybody yelling at him to hit it out, waste a few balls and try his nerve; the majority of times you will win out by drawing him into hitting at a wide one."  June, 2014 "DRIVING AROUND IN THEIR ARROGANCE"The Sunday news/talking head shows were awash as usual with the same tired and untrue word and war-mongers as is their TV guide descriptions. It never seems to amaze us at the total acceptance and "can't-wait-to-hear- what-John-McCain-and-his sidekick-Lindsay-Graham-have to say" now that Iraq is splitting at the seams and death and destruction are at hand. As if 11/12 years passing hadn't occurred;  Dear Mr. Hoover, As a loyal citizen of the United States I am writing to you concerning the TV program entitled "Dupont Show of the Week" which was broadcast last night over NBC. I am outraged by this show which appeared to be full of Communist propaganda-so much of it that I cannot begin to name it all. It was NOT funny. The Red stench was unmistakable. The program went out of the way to make the automobile industry in our country appear to be silly and the American people weak, incompetent, and arrogant. As one example among too many to even mention, Groucho Marx said, in speaking of the American people, " They drove around in their arrogance". I understand that Groucho Marx has strong Red leanings and that he was a member of the Red Front called Committee for the First Amendment and that he signed a cablegram of allegiance to Stalin. Please write and let me know if this is correct and what other information I am entitled as a U.S. citizen to know concerning his Red affiliations, so I can speak with authority when discussing him. No doubt you have already thoroughly investigated Groucho Marx, but please investigate the writer or writers of the TV script for the Dupont sponsored show. Hoping to hear from you soon, I am Sincerely & gratefully yours, And Hoover actually answered with a signed note: "While I would like to be of assistance the jurisdiction and responsibilities of the FBI do not extend to furnishing evaluations or comments concerning the character or integrity of an individual, organization, or publication.  They both knew where the bodies were buried-
"Daddy's odyssey took him from Tel Aviv to Zurich to Rio to Buenos Aires and finally to Asuncion, Paraguay, where he had reputedly bribed the corrupt Stroessner dictatorship with millions of dollars to take him in. But the country that had offered its hospitality to the likes of Joseph Mengele and Martin Bormann out of nowhere got religion and rejected Daddy at the airport as an "undesirable".
- Sandra Lansky, Daughter Of The King-Growing Up in Gangland, 2014
In 2009 the U.S. Congress charged the National Archives with preparing an addendum of sorts to its 2005 report on U.S. Intelligence and the Nazis - this in compliance with the "Nazi War Crimes Disclosure Act" that was passed in 1998. The authors of the report, "Hitler's Shadow", Profs. Richard Breitman and Norman Goda note in their preface "that these CIA and Army records produced new evidence of war crimes and about wartime activities of war criminals; postwar documents on the search for war criminals; documents about the escape of war criminals; documents about the Allied protection or use of war criminals; and documents about the postwar activities of war criminals." The very first item that is included in this volume is this: (15) When did you first and last see Rattenhuber during the escape from the chancellery? What did he say about the fate of Bormann? What else do you know, or have you heard about the (sic) of Bormann and Stumpfegger? I continued to wander along the demarcation line, and also there I could not pass the Russians. Then I went back to Berlin, where a woman had offered an apartment to me. On my refuge in the vicinity of Berlin in the little spot Bykwitz(sic) on approximately the 15th May I met the Chauffeur of Hitler, Sturmbannfuhrer Kempka in civilian clothes. He told me that he had left with a smaller group together with Bormann, Dr. Naumann, and Dr. Stumpfegger the Reichschancellery later than I did. When crossing the Weidendamm Bridge the enemy fire was so strong, Kempka told me, that many died. An armoured car, in which Bormann, Naumann, and Stumpfegger tried to cross the bridge, received a full target shell, just before Kempka wanted to jump on it. He was thrown back, was blind for a short time, and saw, after he gained consciousness, that Bormann and Stumpfegger were lying dead in their blood. I do not remember whether he claimed that Naumann was dead too. This memo- oddly translated- is signed by a Karl Sussman, Special Agent, CIC. In an accompanying note we learn that the interviewee is:
Gertrude (Traudl) Junge, one of Hitler’s personal secretaries, stayed in the Reichschancellery bunker to take Hitler’s last will and testament before his suicide. Junge describes the perils in working her way through the Russian lines surrounding Berlin. She relates meeting Hitler’s chauffeur Kemka and of the deaths of Martin Bormann, Stumpfegger, and Naumann, when their armored car was blown up.
RG 319, Records of the Army Staff.
In the first session Junge recalled Hitler’s personal habits, confirming, albeit in new language, what is well known. She recounted Hitler’s withdrawn behavior after the German military defeat at Stalingrad in early 1943, his insistence that Germany’s miracle weapons would end the Allied bombing of German cities, and his belief that Providence protected him from the July 20, 1944, assassination attempt. Junge remembered Hitler saying that if Claus von Stauffenberg, the leader of the conspiracy, would have shot Hitler face to face instead of using a bomb, then von Stauffenberg would at least be worthy of respect. This interrogation also confirmed the death of Nazi Party Secretary Martin Bormann by Soviet shelling in Berlin. Hitler’s chauffeur Erich Kempka witnessed Bormann’s death and told Junge about it shortly afterwards. In July 1946 Kempka gave the same story to the International Military Tribunal.4 At the time many people thought that Bormann escaped and fled to South America. His remains were not discovered until 1999.
Of course the casual reader is asked for a lot to be taken for granted. This Gertrude person for instance was Hitler's personal secretary during those last mad days in that underground bunker and as we know subsequently took her responsibilities very seriously; it was to her that Hitler dictated (can't think of another word) his Last Political Testament. Rattenhuber was SS Brigadier General( and he is also described as a Major General) Johann Rattenhuber, head of Hitler's bodyguard detail (Fuhrer Security) who was reportedly captured by the Russians. Stumpfegger is Dr. Ludwig Stumpfegger, Hitler's surgeon, who helped out around the Bunker at the end performing his hippocratic duties like poisoning the fuhrer's lovable Alsatian, Blondie, "and later her puppies too"; lent a hand to Magda Goebbels while she killed her six(?) young children; the good doctor was reported to have been killed along with Bormann but there was an investigation made some years later that never confirmed this and it was even suggested that the Russians picked him up and he that he spent some time after broadcasting over their air whatever propaganda suited them. Its funny that a list of who was in that bunker during the last days was found by western intelligence after the war (in Bormann's handwriting?) and the chauffeur, Kempka, is not among the names.
"The figure shows the real (i.e., inflation-adjusted) value of the minimum wage, plus what the minimum wage would be if it had kept pace with productivity growth since 1968, as it did for the two decades prior. If the minimum wage had kept up with productivity growth over this period, it would now be $18.67 per hour. That sounds shockingly high—it is two-and-a-half times as high as the current minimum wage and is actually higher than the median wage, which is $16.30 per hour. But it’s important to keep in mind that the primary reason a minimum wage of $18.67 sounds so high today is because the wages of most workers are so low. Most workers have not reaped the benefits of productivity growth for the last four decades. If the median wage had kept pace with productivity growth over the last 40 years, it would now be $28.42 instead of $16.30. In other words, an $18.67 minimum wage sounds shockingly high because the already affluent have captured most of the economic growth in the last 40 years, not because the economy hasn’t seen the kind of productivity growth consistent with that kind of minimum wage growth."
--Heidi Shierholz, Economic Policy Inst. 7/11/2013
 |
The Spade In The Dark Loam
from the DEMOCRATIC PARTY PLATFORM OF 1936
"We believe that unemployment is a national problem, and that it is an inescapable problem of our government to meet it in a national way...where business fails to supply...employment, we believe that work at prevailing wages should be provided in cooperation with the state and local governments on useful public projects, to the end that the national wealth may be increased, the skill and energy of the worker may be utilized, his morale maintained, and the unemployed assured the opportunity to earn the necessities of life."
78 years after the Democratic Party presented their platform the Hon. Eric Swalwell, Democrat from the 15th Dist. in California, rose on Feb. 11, 2014 in the House of Representatives and writ his name large for the building of a better America:
"But this freedom to dream has not yet been expanded across America. In fact, I see every day that there are still millions of children living in poverty, and just like every politician, when I see one of these young children in a schoolhouse, I ask them, What do you want to be when you grow up? After doing this a number of times, I realized, I should really ask them, Are you hungry? Are you cold? Are you safe? Because the opportunities around them--the crumbling buildings they are trying to learn in, the parents who are working at a minimum wage that is not a living wage--do not provide them with the tools that these children need to realize their opportunity. This leaves them no different than a child born in the 1700s under the British nobility system.
The freedom to dream is no different, and they are no more able to dream beyond where they were born or whom they were born to. So our goal must be to continue to fight this war on poverty, to give every child across every schoolhouse in this country the freedom to dream. This means we must raise the minimum wage. We must extend unemployment insurance for the long-term unemployed so that they can find a job and make sure they can reinforce the skills at home that their children are learning in the classroom.
We will not rest on this issue until I can ask and every Member of this Congress can ask a child, What do you want to be when you grow up? And that child will be able to say, My country has given me the tools to be anything I want."
Dare we take a good hard look at what transpired in the interim between one party's aspirations in 1936 and young Mr. Swalwell's impassioned words just 9 days ago?
|
The Spade In The Dark Loam, an American Anamnesis
THE SPADE IN THE DARK LOAM
The Joyful Moocher is always busy -that is when he’s not catching up on his naptime – dusting off old tomes that have carelessly found their way to the dusty floor; probably slipping from a semi-serious grasp as the holder drifted toward unconsciousness. Its astonishing just how many elusive volumes have dropped that way and not quite a few seemed to have dropped out of our collective memory too which is why we ( ah, the personal we) so much enjoy re-reading old friends again because you can bet we missed something the first time; and the second…Why just the other day, he typed with a wink, we were re-reading George Seldes‘ memoir, WITNESS TO A CENTURY, as we wanted to revisit his remembrances of Mussolini and the rise of Italian fascism and (really) I had forgotten his third SOB when my roving eye fell upon the time he had a brief meeting with Lenin (soon after one of his strokes) and old Lenin (actually the guy wasn’t that old when he died) talked about one of the books he was reading. According to Seldes Lenin was pretty much occupying his quiet time with catching up on American affairs ( which according to the local news reports 91 years later 40%,almost, of Americans themselves can use some remedial help on the topic). Lenin, among a number of things, was reading R.F. Pettigrew‘s “Plutocratic Democracy”, which is a title that doesn’t exist (not yet) but its how Lenin remembered the book which was published in English with the title “The Course of Empire” in 1920. It is a compilation of mostly speeches by an extraordinary man who was a senator from South Dakota way back at the turn of the previous century. It is a singular critique, an expose’ really on what he terms American imperialist policies in Cuba, the Philippines, Latin America, the American press- documenting
(From THE COURSE OF EMPIRE- An Official Record by Sen. R.F. Pettigrew, South Dakota: Page 581- an excerpt from a speech made by Senator Pettigrew in Sioux Falls, SD on Nov. 14, 1896.)
“I remember a millionaire told me not long ago that no man ought to complain because one man had accumulated an enormous fortune. He said nature was an inexhaustible store house and any man could draw from it whatever he chose. He said, “why don’t they go and by toil and industry and self-denial accumulate as we have accumulated?” I said to him let us carry this illustration a little farther. I said, suppose a thousand men were engaged in drawing from nature’s storehouse and in their number there was an additional one-a thousand and one. They delved and toiled each day to acquire a little wealth until each one’s pile had become perceptible. But they noticed this one man never toiled. They noticed that he was idle. That he slept mostly in the day time and that his pile of wealth was becoming enormous, towering above theirs. I said, suppose after while it was discovered that he went about in the night after their piles had-become sufficiently large so that by the taking of a hundredth part of each day’s produce from each one and adding it to his they would not notice it was gone. They had lost one hundredth part of what they had accumulated that day and they didn’t miss it from the pile, and he had got ten times as much as any other one. So his pile grew ten times while theirs grew once and it became ten times as great as either of theirs. Then I said, what would you think of your theory? I said that the great fortunes of this country, and yours among them, have been accumulated in that way. You, by legislation, have been able to take from each citizen a little sum of what he has earned each day, so small that he did not discover it that night, but only discovered it as time rolled by, and added it to yours until it is mountain high, without having produced one element of the wealth itself. That is exactly what has occurred and is happening, and it is exactly what the Republican party has decreed shall continue to happen. Now, fellow citizens I have talked longer than I intended to. I simply wanted to state again the issues in this contest.
3/22/2013
THE SPADE IN THE DARK LOAM
Schoenhof was once U.S. Consul in England during the (first) Cleveland Presidency. He was, according to his NYTimes obit., in the lace business until the Cleveland Administration asked for his help. It seems he had quite a scholarly rep anent the tariff laws and economics.
______________________________________________________
(From the In-Case-You-Missed-This-Department:)
August 26, 2002
“Our administration is proud to have strong ties with the leadership and the membership of the VFW. We believe that in dealing with the federal government, every veteran deserves a response that is fair, respectful and prompt. We are working every day to improve the level of service to our veterans. On taking office we found a large claims backlog, numbering in the hundreds of thousands. The backlog is falling steadily, as is the average time for processing each claim. But there’s a lot more work to be done and America’s veterans can now be certain that someone is doing it. The President has put a solid, results-oriented veteran in charge of the Department, Secretary Tony Principi. Under our administration you won’t receive excuses, you will receive action. To further improve health care services to veterans, President Bush has established a veterans health task force,”
March 29, 2008
Walter F. Roche Jr. | Times Staff Writer
WASHINGTON — The California company headed by former Veterans Affairs Secretary Anthony J. Principi overcharged the agency some $6 million under a long-term contract to conduct physical evaluations on veterans applying for disability benefits, an audit has found.
The report, released Thursday, also questioned a proposal by the Department of Veterans Affairs to amend the contract with the company — QTC Management Inc., based in Diamond Bar — to charge higher rates than currently authorized.
And 6 years hence: (from the Wall St Journal)
How to Fix the Veterans Affairs Mess
Why do the VA and Defense Department operate parallel health-care systems? Maybe it's time to combine them.
As a former secretary of the Department of Veterans Affairs, I am deeply troubled by reports involving the falsification of records to conceal waiting times for veterans at VA hospitals—with at least 40 of them dying while awaiting treatment. A preliminary review by the VA inspector general, released Wednesday, found that at least 1,700 veterans waiting for care at the Phoenix Veterans Affairs medical facility were not even on a wait list.
Such acts are unconscionable, and those responsible must be held accountable....
THATS GOOD COUNTRY. GOOD COUNTRY
Place: Oval Office, White House
Richard Nixon sitting behind desk cradling telephone on left shoulder while trying to spread ketchup on his cottage cheese sandwich. Rev. Billy Graham on the line-
Graham: And I saw you riding around with Jackie Gleason. That was great.
President Nixon: Yeah. We had a great reception in South Carolina, too. That was–
Graham: Oh, yes. It’s on the front page of every paper here [unclear].
President Nixon: Those people are–they were great down there, of course. That’s good country. Good country.
Graham: This has become Nixon country down through here.
Both chuckle.
Richard Nixon knew good country when he saw one. Even 40 years later South Carolina is well represented by some of the most reactionary and you may include racist as part of that definition, red-necks ever sent by one state to Congress. With the happy exception of Jim Clyburn of course each representative and senator has defined himself by his vehement opposition to any and every-thingObama. We have previously noted that all the white guys and Tim Scott a real-life Tea Party Black Guy had signed that rather racist-tinged letter to president Obama demanding he remove Susan Rice from any consideration for Secretary of State because of her Sunday morning comments about the attack on our embassy in Benghazi.
_______________________________________
Search Results for “woody hayes”
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How soon they forget….
ON THANKSGIVING 2013:
by the great historian, JOHN HOPE FRANKLIN- who was invited to give the Charles Homer Haskins Lecture to the American Council of Learned Societies in New York on April 14, 1988:
Dr. John Hope Franklin
1915-2009
1915-2009
MORE FUN WITH TRICKY DICK AND PALS
Ziegler: [Laughs.] It is. Right. It's always an Ellsberg or [unclear--”overlapping voices].
President Nixon:
They're all Jews. Every one's a Jew. [Former Director of Policy Planning and Arms Control for International Security Affairs Leslie H.] Gelb's a Jew. [former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs Morton H.] Halperin's a Jew. But there are bad--”[Alger] Hiss was not a Jew. So that proves something. Very interesting thing. So few of those who engage in espionage are Negroes. Very lucky that way. [Unclear] As a matter of fact, very few of them become Communists. If they do, they either, like, they get into Angela Davis, they're more of an activist type, and they throw bombs and this and that. But the Negroes, have you ever noticed? There are damn few Negro spies.
Haldeman:
They're not intellectual enough. Not smart enough.
President Nixon:
It may be.
Haldeman:
They're not smart enough to be spies, they're not intellectual enough--
President Nixon:
The Jews are born spies. You notice how many of them are? They're just in it up to their necks.
Haldeman:
Well, got a basic devious abil--deviousness that--
President Nixon:
Well, also, an arrogance, an arrogance that says--that's what makes a spy. He puts himself above the law.
Ziegler:
Yeah.
________________________
ALL'S FAIR ON CHILE. KICK ‘EM IN THE ASS. OK?
THE "OTHER" 9/11
Conversation No. 584-003
Date: October 5, 1971
Time: 9:12 a.m. – 1:11 p.m.
Location: Oval Office
Participants: Nixon, Haldeman, John Connally, and Henry Kissinger
Connally: Now, I figure—I had something, another thing to tell you: You have to really—The gauntlet’s been thrown down to you on Chile, and we ought to move on Chile.
Nixon: What? How?
Connally: Well, this guy just—Allende—obviously, now, the columnists are all saying it strongly, even, I [think], the [Washington] Post or the [Washington] Star this afternoon or this morning had an editorial that—I guess it’s the Star, I guess that’s it—just said, “Well, we thought there was some hope, but it’s beyond hope now.”
Nixon: Well—
Connally: He’s [Allende] gone back and said that the copper companies owe $700 million. It’s obviously a farce, and obviously, he’s a—he doesn’t intend to compensate for the expropriated properties. He’s thrown down—He’s thrown the gauntlet to us. Now, it’s our move.
Nixon: Listen, and you—I have decided: you give us a plan, we’ll carry it out.
Connally: So—
Nixon: Don’t worry. This is a—This is one where I knew he would do it, and we’re going to play it very tough with him.
Connally: Well, we’ve got Peru going now. We’ve got Peru—
Nixon: On our side.
Connally: On our side.
Nixon: That’s right.
Connally: We’ve got Bolivia going on our side, and this guy Allende gets away with it. But it’s a matter that Henry will have to get into.
Nixon: Now, well, that’s right. But, but I—But I have decided we’re going to give Allende the hook.
Connally: I just think it’s awfully important...
Nixon: We’re—
Connally: ...to drive your point home, because he’s an enemy [unclear]—
Nixon: Oh, of course he’s an enemy.
Connally: [Unclear] salvaged, and the only thing you can ever hope is to have him overthrown, and, in the meantime, you will make your point to prove, by your actions against him, what you want, that you are looking after American interests, and this a, this is—
Nixon: Well, it—John, it may find the guy we can kick. You know, you always said, “Let’s find somebody in this world we can kick.”
Connally: That’s right.
Nixon: And I think we should make a helluva case out of him. Like I just said, we’re not going to take this.
Haldeman: It would earn a bit with the rightwing in this country.
[Connally left at an unknown time after 11:59 a.m. Henry A. Kissinger entered at 12:02 p.m.]
[...]
Niixon: Before we get into that, another subject I want to talk to you: Allende, according to Connally, is really screwing us now.
Kissinger: That’s right.
Nixon: All right, I want—and I hope I proved to Connally—I said, “All right, you give us a plan. I’m goin’ to kick ‘em. And I want to make something out of it.” That’s my view. Now—
Kissinger: I talked to—
Nixon: —do you see any reason that I should not?
Kissinger: No, I talked—In fact, Connally and I talked about it yesterday.
Nixon: Yeah. Yeah.
Kissinger: I would go to a confrontation with him, the quicker the better.
Nixon: Fine. But the point is—
Kissinger: Maybe not in a brutal way, but in a clear way.
Nixon: Yeah. All right, will you work with Connally—
Kissinger: Absolutely.
Nixon: —to figure out the confrontation? Now, is there any—is there any—?
Kissinger: We may have to butter up the Peruvians, in order—I think we ought to make a distinction between the Peruvians, who have nationalized—
Nixon: That’s right.
Kissinger: —have been, at least—
Nixon: Bolivia and Peru.
Kissinger: And, I forgot to tell you that last night, but I’ll work with Connally.
Nixon: That’s right.
Nixon: All’s fair on Chile. Kick ‘em in the ass. Ok?
Kissinger: Right.
/////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////
Feb 21, 1973; REV. BILLY and TRICKY DICK EXPLAIN IT ALL TO YOU-
Graham: It might be because of this religious situation that's coming up in the country.
President Nixon: Right, but I would be very, very tough with all of our Jewish friends in here, like Tannenbaum. You tell him he's making a terrible mistake and that they're going to get the darnedest wave of anti-Semitism here if they don't behave.
Graham: Well, that's exactly right and Mark Tannenbaum is probably the most outspoken and the most listened-to rabbi in America.
President Nixon: Yeah.
Graham: And he's going to come down here this week. And he wrote a letter to the New York Times defending me a few days ago. And he--I think if we can swing him over to make some strong statements, it'll have a great effect.
President Nixon: Right.
Graham: He's certainly one of the cleverest and most brilliant of the rabbis.
President Nixon: Right. Right.
Graham: And it was very much for you this past time. You know we tried to get him to lead the prayer--
President Nixon: I know.
Graham: --at the Republican Convention. But he felt he couldn't go quite that far.
President Nixon: No. Well, the thing that you've really got to emphasize to him though, Billy, is this: anti-Semitism is stronger than we think, you know. They just--it's unfortunate, but this has happened to the Jews. It happened in Spain, it's happened in Germany, it's happening--and now it's going to happen in America if these people don't start behaving.
Graham: Well, you know, I told you one time that the Bible talks about two kinds of Jews. One is called "the synagogue of Satan."12 They're the ones putting out the pornographic literature. They're the ones putting out these obscene films.
President Nixon: Like the thing in Time magazine.13
Graham: Terrible.
President Nixon: And then Newsweek.14
Graham: Ruth [Graham] canceled both of them.
President Nixon: Good for her.
Graham: We won't take Time or Newsweek.15
President Nixon: I'll tell you it's a disgraceful thing. And I think, really, they don't deserve to live.
Graham: And for Time to come out the week of your inauguration with that thing was so--
President Nixon: That's right.
Graham: --unbelievable.
President Nixon: Yeah. And that's the first time they ever covered an inauguration without having it on the cover.16
Graham: And [the late Time/Life publisher] Henry Luce would turn over in his grave.
President Nixon: I'll say he would. I'll say, well--
Graham: And they're going to go the same that Life went.17
President Nixon: They will unless they start shaping up.
Graham: I was talking to [New York Stock Exchange Chairman and Republican campaign contributor Bernard] Bunny Lasker. He was down there taking a vacation while we were, and he was telling me about the great amount of advertising that Time has lost over the thing.
President Nixon: They really have.
Graham: That's what he said.
President Nixon: Well, they deserve it. They deserve it. The advertisers ought to be sick about this sort of thing.
Graham: Well, I saw you walked over to Trader Vic's--that's where I eat in Washington--had a nice time.
President Nixon: It's a wonderful place. Yeah. They're so nice, all those people. And the--
Graham: And I saw you riding around with Jackie Gleason.18 That was great.
President Nixon: Yeah. We had a great reception in South Carolina, too. That was--
Graham: Oh, yes. It's on the front page of every paper here [unclear].
President Nixon: Those people are--they were great down there, of course. That's good country. Good country.
Graham: This has become Nixon country down through here.
Both chuckle.
_______________________________________________
President Nixon: Well, we'll see you then next--is it Wednesday or Thursday? I guess Thursday.
Graham: Thursday I believe she told me.
President Nixon: Thursday, I guess. Right. The first [of March]. Well, we'll try to make her--we'll let her feel all right, but boy, I'll tell you, privately, we've got to be very strong with these people.
Graham: I'm going to have a real hair-letting with Rabbi Tannenbaum and find out exactly--and he, I think, basically, is our friend. And I want--
President Nixon: You could point out this: that there's nothing that I want to do more than to be, I mean, not only a friend of Israel, but a friend of Jews in this country, but that I have to turn back a terrible tide here if they don't get ahold of it themselves. And it's up to them.
Graham: And they better understand it and understand it quick.
President Nixon: Because there are elements in this country, you know, not just the Birchers but a lot of reasonable people that are now getting awful sick of it.19
Graham: They really are.
President Nixon: Don't you think so?
Graham: In the church, too. I think what has happened in the church in the last two months is almost--they've almost--these denominational leaders--I'm amazed. They are shaken by all this, because they have been so pro-Jewish.
President Nixon: Sure.
Graham: And the people that have been the most pro-Israel are the ones that are being attacked now by the Jews. And then to come out--
President Nixon: Can't figure it out.
Graham: --they're going to kick all Christians out of Israel is unbelievable.
President Nixon: Can't figure it out. Can't figure it out. Well, it may be they have a death wish, you know. That's been the problems with our Jewish friends for centuries.
Graham: Well, they've always been, through the Bible at least, God's timepiece and He has judged them from generation to generation, and yet used them, and they've kept their identity.
President Nixon: Yeah. Right.
Graham: And one of the things they're terribly afraid of is so many of these Jewish young people are turning away from Judaism.
President Nixon: Yeah.
Graham: They're turning away from Jewishness. They say they're remaining Jews, but they're becoming followers of Jesus. Well, that's just scaring them to death. You see--
President Nixon: [laughs] I see.
Graham: --they've set up all over the country these "Jews for Jesus" at the various universities.
President Nixon: Good.
Graham: They said they're remaining Jews, but they believe that Jesus was treated wrongly. And this is frightening Jewish leaders, and they're overreacting in this country. I'm talking about the rabbis.
President Nixon: Oh, I know. Sure. Sure. The professional Jews. But they're like the Episcopalians. They're losing any appeal to their own people.
Graham: Some time when I have--when you have a few minutes--I want to tell you a plan for organizing on a world scale, a counterpart to the World Council of Churches.
President Nixon: Boy, good.
Graham: Just for your knowledge, we're having a conference next summer in Lausanne with 4,000 world leaders--
President Nixon: Good.
Graham: --church leaders, bishops and so forth, that are sick and tired of the World Council.20
President Nixon: Well, you know, [Eugene] Carson Blake and these people have been--well, they're so totally overboard, you know, on everything that is decent. I mean, they do it in the name of pacifism and the rest, but they're really so close to the Communists it's unbelievable.21
Graham: Well, they are, and they say nothing against the Communists, ever.22
President Nixon: Never. Never. I know.
Graham: Always against us. It's against South Africa, it's against Greece, and so forth.
President Nixon: That's right. They say--
Graham: You can just--their stuff seems to be written on that side of the coun[try]--world.
President Nixon: Written right out of Moscow.
Graham: It sure does.
President Nixon: Right.
Graham: And just as you have changed the political picture, we hope to change the religious picture.
President Nixon: Well, listen, I'm all for it and--
Graham: It's going to be a bombshell when it comes.
President Nixon: When do you--That's going to be in the summer?
Graham: Next--summer after--in [19]74. We're going to have at least half of the Anglican Church, the Anglican world, with us from Britain.
President Nixon: Good.
Graham: We will have a third of the German Lutheran[s]. We will have the great majority of the American church.
President Nixon: Will you?
Graham: We'll have 90 percent of the Latin church. We'll have 75 percent of the Far Eastern church. And we're going to have--and we'll be better financed.
President Nixon: Now, what about the Catholics?
Graham: We don't know. They're going to come in great numbers as observers.
President Nixon: Yeah.
Graham: So far they would not be able to participate and--
President Nixon: Yeah.
Graham: You know, the Southern Baptists and groups like that wouldn't [unclear]--
President Nixon: Yeah. The trouble is that--
Graham: They couldn't, anyway.
President Nixon: The difficulty, too--the Catholics had better shape up a bit, too, or they're going to be losing their stroke because--
Graham: Oh, they're as divided as the Protestants.
President Nixon: You know, they're spilt right down the middle. They sure are. You've got the good guys like, you know, [U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops President John Cardinal] Krol in Philadelphia and [Military Vicar for Roman Catholics in the Armed Forces Terence Cardinal] Cooke in New York.23 And then there's this bad wing, that is, the Jesuits are just--who used to be the conservatives have become the all-out, barn-burning radicals.
Graham: I think quite a bit, by the way, of that fellow you've got working for you, [Father John J.] McLaughlin.
President Nixon: [chuckling] Oh, yes. The priest, yeah.24 He's good. You know, he's sort of a convert to our side. He came in a total, all-out peacenik--
Graham: [Unclear] about it.
President Nixon: --and then he went to Vietnam and changed his mind.
Graham: I'd never met him until I was over at our prayer breakfast over at the White House about a month ago.
President Nixon: Yeah. Yeah.
Graham: He invited me up to his office, and I went over and spent about an hour with him.
President Nixon: He's a very capable fellow, bright as a tack. Well, anyway, we'll see you then on the first [of March].
Graham: Well, thank you, sir. I appreciate you calling.
President Nixon: Tell Ruth [Graham] we look forward to seeing her.
Graham: OK.
President Nixon: All right.
Graham: God bless you.
President Nixon: Bye.
Graham: Bye.
1.Graham had spoken at the graveside service for the late President on 25 January 1973. New York Times, 26 January 1973, "Johnson Buried at Texas Ranch." Caneel Bay is a luxury beach resort in the U.S. Virgin Islands on the island of St. John.
2.American POWs were starting to return from North Vietnam under the settlement the President had negotiated with Hanoi.
3.On February 22, 1973, Israeli fighter jets shot down a Libyan airliner, killing 106 passengers. The head of the Israeli air force said that the passenger plane had flown over a secret base in Sinai, which was then occupied by Israel. "Israel: Didn't Mean to Shoot It Down,"Washington Post, 23 February 1973.
4.Terrorists murdered Israeli athletes at the 1972 Munich Olympics. According to the Israeli government, its fighter jets fired on the Libyan airliner after its pilot had acknowledged warnings, "but had nonetheless ignored them." "Israelis Down a Libyan Airliner in the Sinai, Killing at Least 74; Say It Ignored Warnings to Land," 22 February 1973, New York Times. An Israeli pilot said he had exchanged hand signals with the airliner pilot, tipped his wings in an internationally recognized signal for the pilot to follow him, and fired warning shots before shooting at the airliner's wing to force it to land, not to destroy it. "Israeli Deplores Tragedy," 23 February 1973, New York Times. Libya's Minister of Information called the incident "premeditated mass murder." "Libyan Cabinet Minister Calls Downing of Airliner Deliberate," 25 February 1973, New York Times. After checking the airliner's "black box" flight recorder, the Israeli government said the Libyan pilot had flown off course, believed he was over Egypt and therefore thought the Israeli jets were Egyptian MiGs. "Israel Corroborates Egypt on Downing," 24 February 1973, New York Times.
5.Israel's Prime Minister met with Nixon on 1 March 1973. "Nixon Assures Mrs. Meir of Aid," 2 March 1973, Washington Post.
6.A few days later, the Israeli government announced plans to make humanitarian payments to the victims' families. "Israel to Pay Jet Victims' Kin," 26 February 1973, Washington Post.
7.According to the 16 February 1973, Chicago Tribune, "A government source today said Israel may bar the work of many or all of the 1,000 Christian missionaries in the country because too many Jews have abandoned their faith." The source said "adoption of such a proposal is almost a foregone conclusion." ("Christian Missionary Ban Eyed in Israel") The report was greatly exaggerated, but the "Jews for Jesus" movement had become controversial in Israel. Rabbi Meir Kahane, head of the militant Jewish Defense League, threatened violence, and copies "of the New Testament were destroyed in an attack on a Christian bookshop." "Christian Missionaries Pose Israeli Dilemma, Especially 'Jews for Jesus' Movement," 26 February 1973, Los Angeles Times.
8.With the slogan of "Calling Our Continent to Christ," Key 73 raised fears among some American Jews of "denigrating images of Judaism" and "unbridled proselytization of Jews." But the American Jewish Committee issued a report soon after this phone call concluded saying that Key 73 had yielded a "decidedly positive response on the part of many Christian leaders" and clarified that the multi-denominational evangelical drive would "'reach the unchurched,' not those already having a meaningful faith." "Jewish Group Calls Christian Drive 'Positive,'" 2 March 1973, Washington Post; "High Pitch, Low Key," 14 January 1974, Time.
9."Today, our prayers must begin with repentance," Senator Mark O. Hatfield, R-Oregon, said at the 1 February 1973, National Prayer Breakfast. "Individually, we must seek forgiveness for the exile of love from our hearts. And corporately, as a people, we must turn in repentance from the sin that has scarred our national soul." "'Beware Misplaced Allegiance,'" 2 February 1973, Washington Post.
10.Senator George S. McGovern, D-South Dakota, the 1972 Democratic presidential nominee who led congressional efforts to force Nixon to bring the troops home from Vietnam faster than the President's election-oriented timetable allowed, had lost to Nixon in a landslide.
11.Doug Coe headed the Fellowship Foundation, sponsor of the annual National Prayer Breakfast.
12.Graham uses a phrase from the King James Bible's translation of the Book of Revelation 2:9: "I know thy works, and tribulation, and poverty, (but thou art rich) and I know the blasphemy of them which say they are Jews, and are not, but are the synagogue of Satan." It is a favorite passage of anti-Semites, and what Graham may have meant by the phrase or his subsequent reference to Jews as "God's timepiece" has been the subject of discussion, speculation and debate since the recording of this conversation was released on 23 June 2009. Historian Steven Miller, author of Billy Graham and the Rise of the Republican South (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), attempted to provide some context in the Religion in American History blog, http://usreligion.blogspot.com/2009/06/billy-graham-nixon-and-jews-as-go....
13.The 22 January 1973 issue of Time had a cover story on Bernardo Bertolucci's newest movie, Last Tango in Paris, reporting, "It has been called a 'pornographic Elvira Madigan' as well as a work of 'constant beauty'; a piece of 'talented debauchery that often makes you want to vomit' as well as an 'authentic moral and psychological Apocalypse.'" Bertolucci was raised Catholic, not Jewish.
14.Newsweek, like Time, also ran a cover story on Last Tango in Paris.
15.Time's editor-in-chief was Henry Grunwald, a Jewish refugee from Nazi Germany. Newsweek's editor in chief, Osborn Elliott, described himself as "a WASP from the Upper East Side" of New York City. Elliott had two executive editors working for him, one Jewish and the other Irish Catholic. "Kermit Lansner, 78, Former Newsweek Editor," 22 May 2000, New York Times.
16.Time put Nixon's inauguration on its 29 January 1973 cover.
17.Life magazine had stopped publishing.
18.Jackie Gleason was a comedian.
19.The President refers to the John Birch Society.
20."Lausanne, Switzerland, July 25--A new worldwide fellowship of evangelical Protestants, pledged to an alternate style of faith and life from that of the World Council of Churches, was formally launched today as the outgrowth of the International Congress on World Evangelization." "Evangelical Protestants Organize," 26 July 1974, Washington Post.
21.Eugene Carson Blake was the former executive director of the United Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. and the former general secretary of the World Council of Churches. He was a leader of the Protestant ecumenical movement, an active participant in the civil rights movement and an outspoken opponent of the Vietnam War. He was not a pacifist.
22.The World Council of Churches supported President Harry S. Truman's intervention in the Korean War.
23.Two months earlier, John Cardinal Krol had issued a statement deploring Nixon's "Christmas bombing" of North Vietnam. As theWashington Post reported Krol's statement: "Cardinal Krol, who has maintained a close relationship with President Nixon, has previously avoided any comments on the war that could be construed as critical of the administration. In a sermon in the White House East Room last Sunday, the cardinal avoided direct reference to the conflict beyond a call for prayer for its victims." "Many Church Leaders Assail New Bombings," 23 December 1972, Washington Post.
24.Later known as the conservative television host of The McLaughlin Group and John McLaughlin's One on One, McLaughlin was at the time a Roman Catholic priest in the Jesuit order working in the White House as a Nixon adviser.
‹ 043-032up
FROM THE LOST LETTER ARCHIVE
4/10/11
Dear Peter Peterson Foundation,
I think I can be an invaluable asset to your team as I too have an inextinguishable love for our country and an abiding goal to serve the wishes of my clients and recipients and fellow lovers of the free market at the expense and charge of all who think that working for minimum wage and trying to feed your family every day and worrying over small things like what if my child needs medical care and what happens if my minimum wage job disappears (and I haven't even mentioned education), is a career. This is a career I know I can be proud to call my own. Where may I sign up so I too can sing the praises of Rep. Ryan and his amazing budget which will make all of us a shining hill city once again!
I want to be able to live with myself - like you do at PGPF - in knowing that the work I'll be doing-in whatever
capacity you have available- is benefiting America and all its its deserving billionaires.
capacity you have available- is benefiting America and all its its deserving billionaires.
Yours sincerely,
Chas, (Bud) Shavers
Careers Careers@pgpf.org
Careers Careers@pgpf.org
4/10/11
to me
Thank you for your interest in the Peter G. Peterson Foundation. We have received your e-mail and will respond to you should a suitable position or internship become available. Please, no phone calls.
Human Resources
PETER G. PETERSON FOUNDATION
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
115 STAT. 272 PUBLIC LAW 107–56—OCT. 26, 2001
Oct. 26, 2001
[H.R. 3162]
Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Interrupt and Obstruct Terrorism (USA PATRIOT ACT) Act of 2001.
18 USC 1 note.
To deter and punish terrorist acts in the United States and around the world, to enhance law enforcement investigatory tools, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE AND TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) SHORT TITLE.—This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism (USA PATRIOT ACT) Act of 2001’’.
(b) TABLE OF CONTENTS.—The table of contents for this Act is as follows:
Public Law 107–56 107th Congress
Sec. Sec.
Sec. Sec.
Sec. Sec.
Sec. Sec.
Sec. Sec.
Sec. Sec.
Sec. Sec.
Sec.
Sec. Sec. Sec. Sec. Sec.
Sec. Sec. Sec.
Sec.
1. Short title and table of contents. 2. Construction; severability.
TITLE I—ENHANCING DOMESTIC SECURITY AGAINST TERRORISM
101. Counterterrorism fund. 102. Sense of Congress condemning discrimination against Arab and Muslim
Americans. 103. Increased funding for the technical support center at the Federal Bureau
of Investigation. 104. Requests for military assistance to enforce prohibition in certain emer-
gencies. 105. Expansion of National Electronic Crime Task Force Initiative. 106. Presidential authority.
TITLE II—ENHANCED SURVEILLANCE PROCEDURES
201. Authority to intercept wire, oral, and electronic communications relating to terrorism.
202. Authority to intercept wire, oral, and electronic communications relating to computer fraud and abuse offenses.
203. Authority to share criminal investigative information. 204. Clarification of intelligence exceptions from limitations on interception
and disclosure of wire, oral, and electronic communications. 205. Employment of translators by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. 206. Roving surveillance authority under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance
Act of 1978. 207. Duration of FISA surveillance of non-United States persons who are
agents of a foreign power. 208. Designation of judges.
209. Seizure of voice-mail messages pursuant to warrants. 210. Scope of subpoenas for records of electronic communications. 211. Clarification of scope. 212. Emergency disclosure of electronic communications to protect life and
limb. 213. Authority for delaying notice of the execution of a warrant. 214. Pen register and trap and trace authority under FISA. 215. Access to records and other items under the Foreign Intelligence Surveil-
lance Act. 216. Modification of authorities relating to use of pen registers and trap and
trace devices.
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PUBLIC LAW 107–56—OCT. 26, 2001
Sec. 217. Interception of computer trespasser communications. Sec. 218. Foreign intelligence information. Sec. 219. Single-jurisdiction search warrants for terrorism. Sec. 220. Nationwide service of search warrants for electronic evidence. Sec. 221. Trade sanctions.
Sec. 222. Assistance to law enforcement agencies. Sec. 223. Civil liability for certain unauthorized disclosures. Sec. 224. Sunset. Sec. 225. Immunity for compliance with FISA wiretap.
115 STAT. 273
TITLE III—INTERNATIONAL MONEY LAUNDERING ABATEMENT AND ANTI- TERRORIST FINANCING ACT OF 2001
Sec. 301. Short title. Sec. 302. Findings and purposes. Sec. 303. 4-year congressional review; expedited consideration.
Subtitle A—International Counter Money Laundering and Related Measures
Sec. 311. Special measures for jurisdictions, financial institutions, or international transactions of primary money laundering concern.
Sec. 312. Special due diligence for correspondent accounts and private banking ac- counts.
Sec. 313. Prohibition on United States correspondent accounts with foreign shell banks.
Sec. 314. Cooperative efforts to deter money laundering. Sec. 315. Inclusion of foreign corruption offenses as money laundering crimes. Sec. 316. Anti-terrorist forfeiture protection. Sec. 317. Long-arm jurisdiction over foreign money launderers. Sec. 318. Laundering money through a foreign bank. Sec. 319. Forfeiture of funds in United States interbank accounts. Sec. 320. Proceeds of foreign crimes. Sec. 321. Financial institutions specified in subchapter II of chapter 53 of title 31,
United States code. Sec. 322. Corporation represented by a fugitive. Sec. 323. Enforcement of foreign judgments. Sec. 324. Report and recommendation. Sec. 325. Concentration accounts at financial institutions. Sec. 326. Verification of identification. Sec. 327. Consideration of anti-money laundering record. Sec. 328. International cooperation on identification of originators of wire transfers. Sec. 329. Criminal penalties. Sec. 330. International cooperation in investigations of money laundering, financial
crimes, and the finances of terrorist groups.
Subtitle B—Bank Secrecy Act Amendments and Related Improvements
Sec. 351. Amendments relating to reporting of suspicious activities. Sec. 352. Anti-money laundering programs. Sec. 353. Penalties for violations of geographic targeting orders and certain record-
keeping requirements, and lengthening effective period of geographic
targeting orders. Sec. 354. Anti-money laundering strategy.
Sec. 355. Authorization to include suspicions of illegal activity in written employ- ment references.
Sec. 356. Reporting of suspicious activities by securities brokers and dealers; in- vestment company study.
Sec. 357. Special report on administration of bank secrecy provisions. Sec. 358. Bank secrecy provisions and activities of United States intelligence agen-
cies to fight international terrorism. Sec. 359. Reporting of suspicious activities by underground banking systems. Sec. 360. Use of authority of United States Executive Directors. Sec. 361. Financial crimes enforcement network. Sec. 362. Establishment of highly secure network. Sec. 363. Increase in civil and criminal penalties for money laundering. Sec. 364. Uniform protection authority for Federal Reserve facilities. Sec. 365. Reports relating to coins and currency received in nonfinancial trade or
business. Sec. 366. Efficient use of currency transaction report system.
Subtitle C—Currency Crimes and Protection
Sec. 371. Bulk cash smuggling into or out of the United States. Sec. 372. Forfeiture in currency reporting cases.
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115 STAT. 274
c. Sec.
PUBLIC LAW 107–56—OCT. 26, 2001
373. Illegal money transmitting businesses. 374. Counterfeiting domestic currency and obligations. 375. Counterfeiting foreign currency and obligations. 376. Laundering the proceeds of terrorism. 377. Extraterritorial jurisdiction.
TITLE IV—PROTECTING THE BORDER
Subtitle A—Protecting the Northern Border
401. Ensuring adequate personnel on the northern border. 402. Northern border personnel. 403. Access by the Department of State and the INS to certain identifying in-
formation in the criminal history records of visa applicants and appli-
cants for admission to the United States. 404. Limited authority to pay overtime. 405. Report on the integrated automated fingerprint identification system for
ports of entry and overseas consular posts.
Subtitle B—Enhanced Immigration Provisions
411. Definitions relating to terrorism. 412. Mandatory detention of suspected terrorists; habeas corpus; judicial re-
view. 413. Multilateral cooperation against terrorists. 414. Visa integrity and security. 415. Participation of Office of Homeland Security on Entry-Exit Task Force. 416. Foreign student monitoring program. 417. Machine readable passports. 418. Prevention of consulate shopping.
Subtitle C—Preservation of Immigration Benefits for Victims of Terrorism
421. Special immigrant status. 422. Extension of filing or reentry deadlines. 423. Humanitarian relief for certain surviving spouses and children. 424. ‘‘Age-out’’ protection for children. 425. Temporary administrative relief. 426. Evidence of death, disability, or loss of employment. 427. No benefits to terrorists or family members of terrorists. 428. Definitions.
TITLE V—REMOVING OBSTACLES TO INVESTIGATING TERRORISM
501. Attorney General’s authority to pay rewards to combat terrorism. 502. Secretary of State’s authority to pay rewards. 503. DNA identification of terrorists and other violent offenders. 504. Coordination with law enforcement.
505. Miscellaneous national security authorities. 506. Extension of Secret Service jurisdiction. 507. Disclosure of educational records. 508. Disclosure of information from NCES surveys.
TITLE VI—PROVIDING FOR VICTIMS OF TERRORISM, PUBLIC SAFETY OFFICERS, AND THEIR FAMILIES
Subtitle A—Aid to Families of Public Safety Officers
Sec. 611. Expedited payment for public safety officers involved in the prevention, investigation, rescue, or recovery efforts related to a terrorist attack.
Sec. 612. Technical correction with respect to expedited payments for heroic public safety officers.
Sec. 613. Public safety officers benefit program payment increase. Sec. 614. Office of Justice programs.
Subtitle B—Amendments to the Victims of Crime Act of 1984
Sec. 621. Crime victims fund. Sec. 622. Crime victim compensation. Sec. 623. Crime victim assistance. Sec. 624. Victims of terrorism.
TITLE VII—INCREASED INFORMATION SHARING FOR CRITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE PROTECTION
Sec. 701. Expansion of regional information sharing system to facilitate Federal- State-local law enforcement response related to terrorist attacks.
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PUBLIC LAW 107–56—OCT. 26, 2001 115 STAT. 275
TITLE VIII—STRENGTHENING THE CRIMINAL LAWS AGAINST TERRORISM
Sec. 801. Terrorist attacks and other acts of violence against mass transportation systems.
Sec. 802. Definition of domestic terrorism. Sec. 803. Prohibition against harboring terrorists. Sec. 804. Jurisdiction over crimes committed at U.S. facilities abroad. Sec. 805. Material support for terrorism. Sec. 806. Assets of terrorist organizations. Sec. 807. Technical clarification relating to provision of material support to ter-
rorism. Sec. 808. Definition of Federal crime of terrorism. Sec. 809. No statute of limitation for certain terrorism offenses. Sec. 810. Alternate maximum penalties for terrorism offenses. Sec. 811. Penalties for terrorist conspiracies. Sec. 812. Post-release supervision of terrorists. Sec. 813. Inclusion of acts of terrorism as racketeering activity. Sec. 814. Deterrence and prevention of cyberterrorism. Sec. 815. Additional defense to civil actions relating to preserving records in re-
sponse to Government requests. Sec. 816. Development and support of cybersecurity forensic capabilities. Sec. 817. Expansion of the biological weapons statute.
TITLE IX—IMPROVED INTELLIGENCE
Sec. 901. Responsibilities of Director of Central Intelligence regarding foreign intel- ligence collected under Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978.
Sec. 902. Inclusion of international terrorist activities within scope of foreign intel- ligence under National Security Act of 1947.
Sec. 903. Sense of Congress on the establishment and maintenance of intelligence relationships to acquire information on terrorists and terrorist organiza- tions.
Sec. 904. Temporary authority to defer submittal to Congress of reports on intel- ligence and intelligence-related matters.
Sec. 905. Disclosure to Director of Central Intelligence of foreign intelligence-re- lated information with respect to criminal investigations.
Sec. 906. Foreign terrorist asset tracking center. Sec. 907. National Virtual Translation Center. Sec. 908. Training of government officials regarding identification and use of for-
eign intelligence.
TITLE X—MISCELLANEOUS
Sec. 1001. Review of the department of justice. Sec. 1002. Sense of congress. Sec. 1003. Definition of ‘‘electronic surveillance’’. Sec. 1004. Venue in money laundering cases. Sec. 1005. First responders assistance act.
Sec. 1006. Inadmissibility of aliens engaged in money laundering. Sec. 1007. Authorization of funds for dea police training in south and central asia. Sec. 1008. Feasibility study on use of biometric identifier scanning system with ac-
cess to the fbi integrated automated fingerprint identification system at
overseas consular posts and points of entry to the United States. Sec. 1009. Study of access.
Sec. 1010. Temporary authority to contract with local and State governments for performance of security functions at United States military installa- tions.
Sec. 1011. Crimes against charitable americans. Sec. 1012. Limitation on issuance of hazmat licenses. Sec. 1013. Expressing the sense of the senate concerning the provision of funding
for bioterrorism preparedness and response. Sec. 1014. Grant program for State and local domestic preparedness support. Sec. 1015. Expansion and reauthorization of the crime identification technology act
for antiterrorism grants to States and localities. Sec. 1016. Critical infrastructures protection.
SEC. 2. CONSTRUCTION; SEVERABILITY. 18 USC 1 note.
Any provision of this Act held to be invalid or unenforceable by its terms, or as applied to any person or circumstance, shall be construed so as to give it the maximum effect permitted by law, unless such holding shall be one of utter invalidity or unenforceability, in which event such provision shall be deemed
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